Skip to main content

Full text of "Archeological Overview of Redwood National Park"

See other formats

r. 9x:f 



An Archeological Overview of 
Redwood National Park 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2013 

An Archeological Overview 


Redwood National Park 

Michael J. Moratto 

Publications in Anthropology, Number 8 

Cultural Resources Management Division 
Western Archeological Center 
National Park Service 
Tucson, Arizona 

To Earnest L. Cassel, my grandfather -- 
Del Norte County pioneer, woodsman, sawyer 
and avocational historian -- this paper is 
warmly and appreciatively dedicated. 



i i 1 


Dedication iii 

Illustrations vii 

Preface and Acknowledgements ix 

I Introduction 1 

II Linguistics in Northwestern California Prehistory 3 

III Ethnographic Background 10 

IV Ethnohistorical Notes 37 

by Patricia Parker Hickman and Michael Moratto 

V Previous Archeological Research in Northwest California 51 

VI Archeological Sampling within Redwood National Park 69 

The Enderts Beach Site 69 

The Stone Lagoon Site 74 

VII The Archeological Reconnaissance of Redwood National Park 79 

VIII Inventory of Cultural Resources 

In and Near Redwood National Park 87 

IX Conclusions and Recommendations 99 
Bibliography 103 


Map 1 
Map 2 
Map 3 

Distribution of native languages in northwest California 
Areas surveyed in the northern portion of the park 
Areas surveyed in the southern portion of the park 


Figure 1 
Figure 2 
Figure 3 
Figure 4 

Artifacts from the Gunther Island site 
Artifacts from the Patricks Point site 
Artifacts from the Patricks Point site 
Artifacts from Tsurai 



I: Yurok family house at Re'kwoi 22 

II: Noledin, a Chilula village 23 

III: Bone harpoon points from the Point St. George site 61 

IV: Artifacts from the Point St. George site 63 

V: Stone artifacts from Del Norte County sites 71 

VI: Bone and antler artifacts from the Enderts Beach site 72 

Plate VII: Artifacts from the Stone Lagoon site 77 



Table 1: Summary data on survey work in the park 


v 1 


This overview was written in 1973 as a report to the National Park 
Service, entitled "A Survey of Cultural Resources in and Near Redwood 
National Park, California." Minor editorial changes and the deletion of 
precise site- location data have been made for the purposes of this pub- 


Compiled here are data gathered during three seasons of fieldwork 
(1971-1973) in and near Redwood National Park, California. The project 
would have been impossible without the assistance of many persons. I am 
deeply grateful to the following individuals and organizations for their 
generous efforts on behalf of the Redwood National Park Archeological 
Project : 

Areata Redwood Company (Orick) --Eugene Hofsted (Director, Orick of- 
fice) and Lou Tirado (Field Representative) ; California Department of 
Parks and Recreation--Francis Riddell (State Archeologist) ; Humboldt State 
University (Areata) --Rudolph Becking (Forest Research Consultant); San 
Francisco State University--Patricia Hickman (graduate archeologist), 
Thomas Jackson (graduate archeologist) and Paul Schumacher (Director, 
Treganza Museum); Frederick Burk Foundation for Education (San Francisco)-- 
Lawrence Eisenberg (Director) , Roy Heidtman (Director of Research) and 
Dick Judy (Contracts Officer); Simpson Lumber Company (Areata) --Charles 
Evers and H. A. Peterson, Jr.; University of California, Berkeley—Albert 
Elsasser (Director of Archeology, Lowie Museum) and Robert Heizer (Profes- 
sor of Anthropology); University of Hawaii (Honolulu) --Richard Gould (Pro- 
fessor of Anthropology); individuals—Amelia Brown (Tolowa, Smith River) 
and Thomas King (research archeologist, Santa Rosa). 

People in various offices of the National Park Service played essen- 
tial roles in our study: Western Archeological Center (Tucson) --Keith 
Anderson (Chief, Division of Internal Archeological Studies); John Ban- 
croft (Editor) and Sally Tobola and Vonna Lou Mason (Typists); Redwood 
National Park--John Davis (Superintendent), Linda Finn (Naturalist), Homer 
Leach, Edie Nielsen and Steve Veirs; Western Regional Office--Astrid Schenk 
(Environmental Planner) and Garland Gordon (Chief, Interagency Archeologi- 
cal Services); and Washington Off ice--Douglas Scovill (Chief Archeologist). 

VI 1 

I: Introduction 

Cultural resources, such as historic and prehistoric archeological 
sites, are among the features of Redwood National Park. These resources 
are protected by the provisions of the 1906 Act for the Preservation 
of Antiquities, the 1935 Historic Sites Act, the 1969 Environmental 
Policy Act, Executive Order 11593 regarding the "Protection and 
Enhancement of the Cultural Environment" and by other measures. In 
order to design a program for the preservation and interpretation of 
the cultural features in Redwood National Park, the National Park 
Service has sponsored detailed studies of the local history and arch- 
eology. The former topic is comprehensively described in History 
Basic Data: Redwood National Park , by E. Bearss (1969). The archeo- 
logical study, based upon three seasons of library research and field 
reconnaissance, provided the data for this overview. 

The chapters dealing with linguistics and archeology (II, V and 
VI) endeavor to reconstruct the arrival and evolution of prehistoric 
cultures in the vicinity of Redwood National Park. Materials from 
these chapters may be abstracted directly for interpretive purposes. 
More importantly, however, the assessments of the archeological 
status quo form a perspective for evaluating the significance of 
the archeological features which remain within the park and for 
generating anthropological questions which might be answered through 
field investigations in the future* 

Chapters III and IV deal with the ethnography and ethnohistory 
of the native peoples--Yurok, Tolowa and Chilula — of the Redwood 
National Park vicinity as they were known during the historic period. 
These chapters attempt to depict the aboriginal lifeways as they 
existed before AD 1800 and to recount memorable incidents in the 
painful era of inter-cultural hostilities., The information pre- 
sented in these chapters should be useful in interpretive programs. 
Certainly an understanding of the archeology, ethnography and ethno- 
history of the north coast Indians will contribute greatly to an 
appreciation of the role of Man in the redwoods; never was Man's 

relationship with this environment more harmonious than when the 
Indians alone held the rivers and seashore. 

My objectives in Chapters VII and VIII are to describe the 
field reconnaissance of Redwood National Park and to inventory the 
various archeological features discovered. Nearly 21 square miles 
of land were covered on foot between 1971 and 1973, resulting in the 
discovery of nearly two score sites or previous site locations. Each 
site is described in terms of its nature, condition and significance. 
Chapter IX provides recommendations for preserving, managing and 
interpreting the archeological resources described. 

II: Linguistics in Northwestern California Prehistory 

There are three main ways in which linguistics can illu- 
minate prehistory: (a) by establishing facts concerning 
the common origin and subsequent divergence of languages, 
implying the earlier unity and subsequent separations of 
peoples; (b) by discovering diffused features (of phonetics, 
structure, or vocabulary) among languages, which bear evi- 
dence of prehistoric culture contacts; and (c) by recon- 
structing the vocabulary of old stages of language in order 
to bring out suggestions of the physical environment and 
content of prehistoric cultures. (Swadesh 1959: 20) 

The purposes of this chapter are (1) to describe the linguistic 
territories of northwest California and (2) to develop a hypothesis, 
based upon lexico-statistics, to account for the ethnographic diver- 
sity in the region. As a device for reconstructing the probable 
sequence of population movements into this part of the state, parti- 
cular attention will be given to the problem of establishing the 
approximate dates at which languages diverged from their parent 

The Distribution of Native Languages in Northwest California 

Six separate languages were spoken by the historic Indians of 
California's northwest coast culture sub-area (Map 1). The terri- 
tories of these people coincided almost exactly with stream drain- 
ages: (1) Smith River and the adjacent ocean frontage were held by 
the Tolowa (Drucker 1937; Waterman 1925); (2) immediately south, 
the Yurok occupied the lowermost dozen miles of Redwood Creek, a 
40-mile stretch of the coast and the entire Klamath River watershed 
downstream from the mouth of the Trinity River (Kroeber 1911, 1925; 
Waterman 1920); (3) Karok boundaries included the Klamath River 
Basin upstream from its confluence with the Trinity River (Bright 
1957; Kroeber 1925); (4) the Hupa claimed the lower Trinity River, 
an elongate valley parallel to the middle Redwood Creek homeland of 
(5) the Chilula (Goddard 1911, 1914a, 1914b; Kroeber 1925) and (6) 
the Wiyot lived along the coast around Humboldt Bay, just south of 


f 1 
/ 1 

, -, # 

LAKE /&» r 


/ 1 f \ 

&L (Iff /'I J 

2&V TOLOWA ] / V 

point {~y//J_ 

SAINT "S^/tf 


f^JS-s^ 1 /KAROK 

•:••.•.••:■:•■.•■■■' „«■'•:■•••••:••:••••.•••:•••••••» > r \ 

||iiilr''' § ' v rA r x 


Wf l YUROK iJ 


/■ , 

-■%/f ^*%>i ^'^ ^ / - ■- 

^ \ T^r' A '■ NEW RIVER 

/ ; %\ol \% V SHASTA 

'••'•••••'.•'.•^••vN G. r \ \ ui ida » ■ 

wi !p#\, % J ill 

BAY ^cT) 

\ ' \ • ( 'III II 1- 










Map 1. Distribution of native 
languages in northwest 
Cal if orn ia . 

the Yurok (Dixon and Kroeber 1913; Loud 1918; Nomland and Kroeber 
1936; Teeter 1964). 

These groups represent three language families: Athabascan 
(Tolowa, Hupa and Chilula), Hokan (Karok) and Algonquian (Yurok 
and Wiyot) (Dixon and Kroeber 1919; Voegelin and Voegelin 1966). 
The California Athabascan languages are closely related to Navajo 
and Apache of the southwestern United States and to Kutenai, 
Chipewyan, Galice, Beaver and other languages of sub-arctic and 
boreal Canada (Hoijer 1956; Hymes 1957). Karok has its nearest 
ties with six scattered groups of other Hokan languages in Nevada, 
California and Mexico (cf. Heizer and Whipple 1971: Map 1; Kroeber 
1925). Yurok and Wiyot number among their Algonquian kin such 
northeastern American tongues as Menomini, Cree, Fox, Ojibwa and 
Algonquin (Bloomfield 1946; Reichard 1926; Sapir 1913; Voegelin and 
Voegelin 1966). 

Although the external relationships of California's Athabascan 
and Hokan languages have been accepted since 1900, much controversy 
has attended the placement of Yurok and Wiyot within the Algonquian 
family., Early in this century Dixon and Kroeber (1913) and Sapir 
(1913) demonstrated the connection between Yurok and Wiyot and 
assigned these languages to the "Ritwan family" of the "Algonquian 
stock." Michelson (1914) and others contested this, initiating a 
long debate in American linguistics. Ultimately, both Yurok and 
Wiyot were intensively restudied in order to clarify their relation- 
ships with other languages (Robins 1958; Teeter 1964) „ This work 
has shown unequivocally that the "Ritwan" languages belong to the 
Algonquian family (Haas 1958). 

Time-Depth of Northwest California Languages 

More than 30 years igo Voegelin proposed a relative chronology 
of American linguistic phyla,. Reasoning that internal diversity 
could be used to indicate time-depth, Voegelin (1945: 232-233) 
inferred the following temporal ordering: 

(Early) Hokan-Siouan (25 families; 60 languages) 

Penutian (16 families; 29 languages) 

Algonquian-Wakashan ( 8 families; 50 languages) 

Na-Dene (Athabascan) ( 4 families; 33 languages) 

Uto-Aztecan-Tanoan ( 4 families; 19 languages) 

(Late) Eskimo-Aleut ( 2 families; 4 languages) 

Voegelin further assumed that "a broken distribution implies 
more elapsed time than a smooth, continuous distribution" (1945: 233), 
but he did not attempt to develop a temporal ordering based upon 
this criterion. 

These approaches are inconclusive when applied to the languages 
of northwestern California. There is, of course, no certainty that 
the North American relative chronology holds, even approximately, for 
smaller regions; even if Voegelin's early-to-late Hokan-Algonquian- 
Athabascan ordering correctly sequences North American arrivals, 
the appearance of member languages in California may have followed 
a different pattern. The criterion of "broken distribution" also 
gives ambiguous results. While it may be that an older, continuous 
distribution of coastal Athabascans was disrupted by a more recent 
incursion of Algonquian speakers, it is possible that the Athabascans 
came later and settled around established Algonquians (Map 1). The 
first reconstruction (i e., disruption of Athabascans by Algonquians) 
does seem more plausable on one count: as measured by the great 
diversity within coastal Athabascan (six languages with 14 dialects), 
compared with the relative homogeneity of Algonquian (two languages 
with three dialects), the former would emerge as older in California 
(cf. Heizer and Whipple 1971: Map 1). 

A more fruitful approach to the matter of linguistic time-depth 
is offered by glottochronology With this method, provisional dates 
of language separation are calculated on the basis of percentages of 
shared non-cultural cognates (cf. Gudschinsky 1964). An early glotto- 
chronological study indicated that Hup a had separated from the parent 
Athabascan family some 20 centuries ago and that California Hokan 
speakers had diverged from their linguistic relatives as much as 55 

centuries ago (Swadesh 1954: 362). More conservative dates were 
calculated by Hoijer, who suggested that the Pacific Coast languages 
broke off from the common Athabascan body around 1000 to 1300 years 
ago (Hoijer 1956: 231). 

Using Hymes (1957) data, I calculated 1062 years to be the 
average (X) separation among the sampled California Athabascan groups 
(i.e., Hupa, Kato and Mattole) The arrival date of Athabascans in 
California may approximate the calculated time of their divergence 
from the Canadian Athabascans. Using Hymes 1 (1957: 292-293) infor- 
mation for 21 language pairs, I computed 1231 years ago as the (X) 
provisional time for this separation. Thus, Hymes' detailed analysis 
suggests that the Pacific Coast Athabascan split from the northern 
branch around AD 742, a date entirely consistent with Hoijer' s 
(1956) estimate of 1000 to 1300 years ago. The calculated date of 
1062 years, or AD 911, for the divergence among California Athabas- 
cans is also in harmony with this reconstruction. 

Ancillary data concerning the relative ages of native California 
languages were provided by Klimek's (1935) matrix cluster analysis 
of ethnographic traits. Using a coefficient of association (Q ) , 
Klimek (1935: 22 ff.) quantified the degrees of similarity among 60 
"tribes" and clustered them into "strata." Each stratum was then 
shown to be connected with a specific linguistic group. Noting that 
"the definition of the ethnical nature of particular strata permits 
us to determine the nature of the historical facts which they repre- 
sent", Klimek (1935: 61) developed an "historical sequence of Cali- 
fornia Indians." Klimek's mathematical analysis of non-linguistic 
traits led him to conclude that (1) the Hokan-related stratum was 
the most ancient in California and (2) the Athabascan and Algonquian 
migrations occurred very late in the sequence (Klimek 1935: 64). 

Although Klimek may be faulted for assuming that high levels of 
shared cultural traits indicated common times of sociolinguistic ori- 
gin (as between Northwest Coast Algonquian and Athabascan speakers), 
it should be noted that his sequence agreed in most respects with 
the subjective impressions of Kroeber (1935). The Northwest Coast 

culture pattern was assumed to be more ancient by Kroeber (1935: 8), 

but both scholars agreed fully that the "Hokan stratum" was much 

older than the stratum associated with Algonquian or Athabascan. 

In retrospect, it would appear that near-complete diffusion of 

cultural traits among the Northwest Coast groups had masked the 

diversity of their origins in Klimek's study. 

Cultural blending apparently was accompanied by extensive 

genetic mixing on the Northwest Coast. The following passage from 

Hulse (1960: 51) is illustrative: 

Certainly one cannot maintain that the Hupa resemble, in 
their blood-type frequencies, the other Athabascans.... 
one suspects, the influence of Northwest Coast culture, 
even in attenuated form, led to such extensive and long- 
continued intermarriage that the original Hupa gene-pool 
merged into another, larger one long ago. 


There are adequate data to postulate a schedule of prehistoric 
population movements into northwestern California. The Hokan speakers 
are considered to be the most ancient, both in California (Klimek 
1935; Kroeber 1935) and in the remainder of North America (Voegelin 
1945) o Their presence in California is thought to date earlier 
than 5500 years ago (Hopkins 1965; Taylor 1961), a view consistent 
with the glottochronological dates of 5500 years ago for the earliest 
divergences among California Hokan languages (Swadesh 1954). 

The Athabascan immigration occurred relatively late in California 
prehistory (Klimek 1935; Kroeber 1935). Glottochronology variously 
places the Athabascan entry at 2000, 1000-to-1300 and 1200 years ago 
(Swadesh 1964; Hoijer 1956; Hymes 1957, respectively). 

It is generally accepted that the Algonquian speakers were 
also late arrivals in California (Klimek 1935; Kroeber 1935), but 
no glottochronological studies are available to fix the absolute 
age of California Algonquian. Nevertheless, the criterion of inter- 
nal diversity does suggest that Algonquian is at least several cen- 
turies younger than Athabascan. The best order and probable ages 

for the relevant ancestral languages in northwestern California, 

therefore, would be: 

Proto-Karok (-55 centuries?) 

Proto-Hupa/Chilula/Tolowa (-12-13 centuries?) 
Proto-Yurok/Wiyot (~ 9-10 centuries?) 

Ill: Ethnographic Background 

There are many fascinating accounts of the cultures of the 
Tolowa, Yurok and Chilula Indians, who once lived in the area now 
within the Redwood National Park. It is my intent here to review 
the aspects of northwestern California ethnography which may be 
germane to National Park Service interpretive and resource manage- 
ment programs. With present-day foci on ecological topics, park 
planners and visitors alike will be interested to learn how the 
Indians coped with the redwood wilderness. 

Specific purposes of this chapter are: (1) to identify points 
of anthropological interest in and near Redwood National Park and 
to provide data concerning their significance; (2) to sketch the 
ancient life-ways of the Indians in the vicinity of the park so as 
to provide the National Park Service with information useful in the 
preparation of interpretive exhibits and literature; (3) to document 
the salient cultural activities of aboriginal northwest California 
as a stimulus for the Park Service to encourage the perpetuation 
of native practices for the benefit of local Indian people and the 
edification of park visitors, and (4) to review a wide range of 
technical sources in the hope that this chapter will serve as a key 
resource for non-specialists who may wish to research ethnographic 
matters in more detail than can be provided here. Toward this end, 
an extensive bibliography has been appended to this report. 

The Northwest California Culture Area 

As a culture area, northwest California included the territories 
of the Yurok, Tolowa, Hupa, Karok, Wiyot, Chilula and Chimariko (cf. 
Map 1), as well as the more southerly Whilkut, Nongatl, Mattole, 
Lassik, Wailaki and Sinkyone (cf. Heizer and Whipple 1971: Map 1). 
Although each of these cultures was distinctive in speech and certain 
customs, they shared the fundamentals of the northwest coastal philo- 
sophical and socio-economic patterns. In particular, these groups 
were adapted to riverine, littoral and forest environments. Their 


subsistence was based upon the taking of salmon, shellfish and pinni- 
peds — activities which contrast rather sharply with the terrestrial 
hunting-gathering economy of central California Indians (Kroeber 
1925, 1939; Baumhoff 1963). Accordingly, Beals and Hester (1960) 
have included the "tribes" of northwestern California in their 
"Riverine" and "Coastal Tideland Gatherers" ecologic types. 

Relative to other California culture areas, the northwest area 
is marked by numerous idiosyncratic traits. Among these are split 
wooden-plank houses and sweathouses; wooden dugout canoes; carved 
wooden pillows, acorn mush paddles, and boxes; emphasis upon wealth, 
with Dentalium shell money and certain "treasure" items; twined 
basketry caps and receptacles; special adzes, mauls, antler chisels 
and wedges for woodworking; carved elkhorn spoons with fancy handles; 
tubular tobacco pipes with wooden shafts and stone bowls, and carved 
antler purses for shell money. The north coastal Indians were also 
known for their minimal political organization and for their parti- 
cipation in the World Renewal religious cult (Heizer 1951b; Kroeber 
1925; Kroeber and Gifford 1949). 

Demographic Notes 

Because of the rugged topography and dense forests which charac- 
terize the Klamath Mountains, Indian settlements were customarily 
located along the coast or on river banks. Small streams seem to 
have been virtually unoccupied, and the hinterlands served only for 
deer hunting, gathering firewood and collecting acorns, berries and 
seeds. Permanent inland villages were situated on riverine terraces 
well above winter flood levels. On the coast, the shores of lagoons 
or sheltered streamsides were most often selected as habitation 
places (Drucker 1937; Kroeber 1925; Waterman 1920, 1925). 

Settlements of northwest California seem to have been of three 
types: major villages, small hamlets and temporary encampments. The 
first-order villages were recognized as places where there were many 
houses, where important ceremonies were held and where especially 
wealthy men resided (cf. Drucker 1937; Kroeber 1925). Subsidiary to 


these villages were nearby hamlets of several houses each; often 

these had been settled by overflow from the main village. The 

third class of settlements included camp sites, which were occupied 

seasonally for special activities, such as smelt fishing or acorn 

harvesting (Gould 1966a), 

Although one might suspect that a degree of political cohesion 

would have united the villages with their tributary hamlets, Kroeber 

(1925: 16) stressed that: 

...since there was no definite community sense within a 
village, there was no opportunity for a larger or political 
community to develop out of a group of adjacent villages. 
One settlement in such a group — "a suburb" — was sometimes 
involved in a feud while another directly across the river 
looked on. Of course, wherever kinship existed, it formed 
a definite bond between towns as within them; . . . 

Et lino graphic accounts of Yurok settlements report one to 22 

houses per village, in addition to sweathouses. The reconstructed 

averages for settlements of all sizes and kinds would be 7.5 persons 

per house, six houses per town and about 45 persons per town (Kroeber 

1925: 17). That these figures probably apply to other north coastal 

groups is supported by data from the Tolowa area, where 14 villages 

had an average of 5.5 houses each (Drucker 1937). 

Tolowa Settlements 

Since the first listing of Tolowa Village names appeared in 
Hodge's (1910) Handbook , many other scholars have reported upon 
aspects of Tolowa demography. The works of Curtis (1924), Gould 
(1966a), Drucker (1937) and Waterman (1925) are especially valuable. 
The following list combines data from all of these sources and pre- 
sents the various orthographies which have appeared in print over 
the years. Preferred spellings follow Drucker' s (1937) usage. 

(1) Xa^wunhwut (also Hawinwet, Huwunkut, Khoonkhwuttunne, 
Xawinwet or Siesta Peak Rancheria)--on the north bank of Smith 
River; destroyed by settlers in 1853; rebuilt on an island; 13 


houses and three sweathouses; two divisions, "upriver" and "doim- 
river," each centered around the house of a rich man (Curtis 1924; 
Drucker 1937; Kroeber 1925; Waterman 1925). 

(2) Ye' te' :kut (also Yontakit, Yotokut, Ataakut, Y6-t'akit or 
Yontucket Rancheria)--on the old Burnt Ranch, north of Lake Earl; 

a large number of Tolowa people were massacred here by white settlers 
in 1853; seven houses, two sweathouses and a sacred sweathouse; two 
divisions, "on the hill" and "oceanward" (Drucker 1937; Kroeber 1925; 
Curtis 1924; Waterman 1925). 

(3) Tro / :let- -a small suburb of Ye 1 te' : kut (Drucker 1937). 

(4) Mu^nsantun (also Munsontun)--on the east bank of Smith 
River; site of an annual salmon weir; one house, occupied by a man 
from Ye' te x : kut (Drucker 1937). 

(5) Kehesir^' hwut (also Kehoslihwut)--an "old site" on the 
east bank of Smith River; three houses and an above-ground men's 
sleeping house; reinhabited from Ya' te^ : kut (Drucker 1937). 

(6) Mi litcuntan (also Melishenten) — on Smith River at a for- 
mer weir site; one house on each side of the river and one sweathouse 
(Drucker 1937; Kroeber 1925); probably the hamlet named Minitce^nten 
by Waterman (1925). 

(7) Si' tragf ;/ tum (also Stragitum) --an "old site" on the west 
bank of Smith River, inhabited by a man from E :tculet ; one house 
and one sweathouse (Drucker 1937). 

(8) Tcunsu / ltun--on the north bank of Smith River; two houses 
and a sweathouse; a suburb of Ta y :tatun (Drucker 1937). 

(9) Te / :nltcuntun (also Tenitcuntun) --"at the foot of the 
trail"; no data on number of houses (Drucker 1937). 

(10) Muslye" — abandoned in 1937; said to be a suburb of 
Ye' ta^rkut (Drucker 1937). 

(11) Tunme: / tun--on the south bank of the Middle Fork of 
Smith River; two houses; a suburb of Ye' ta y :kut (Drucker 1937). 

(12) Tcestu'mtun (also Chestltshtun)--on the west bank of 
the South Fork of Smith River, east of Crescent City; two or three 
houses; most inhabitants were slain in a feud during historic times; 


the survivors moved in with relatives at Ta / : tatun (Curtis 1924; 
Drucker 1937). 

(13) Na / kutat --on the north bank of the South Fork of Smith 
River; a suburb of Ta^ tatun (Drucker 1937). 

(14) E / :tculet (also Echulet, Echulit, Aichulet, E tculet or 
Lake Earl Rancheria)--on the edge of Lake Earl; a large town noted 
for its wealth; 11 houses and four sweathouses (Curtis 1924; Hodge 
1910; Drucker 1937; Kroeber 1925; Warburton and Endert 1966). 

(15) Tucrecku^ctun (also Tatrghatkustan)--on the shore of 
Lake Earl; nine houses and two sweathouses; offshoot of E : tculet, 
established after a quarrel over whale rights ca. 1850 (?) (Curtis 
1924; Drucker 1937; Waterman 1925). 

(16) T , ayi x a / te (also T'aiYa ? n, T / agiatun, Targhinaatun or 
Point Saint George Rancheria) — "pointing seaward"; an extremely 
large prehistoric town, occupied by 300 BC; used historically as a 
camping place for shellfish gathering and sea lion hunting; depopu- 
lated early in the historic period by an epidemic, possibly of 
cholera (Curtis 1924; Drucker 1937; Gould 1966a; Waterman 1925). 

(17) Ta / ti ,/ tun (also Tati ti n ) --northern end of Pebble Beach; 
abandoned early in the 20th century; possibly a suburb of Ta y : tatun 
(Drucker 1937; Kroeber 1925; Waterman 1925). 

(18) Meslte / ltun (also Metelting, Mestethltun, Meslteln or 
Pebble Beach Rancheria) --near the southern end of Pebble Beach; a 
wealthy satellite of Ta x : tatun ; nine houses and two sweathouses 
(Curtis 1924; Drucker 1937; Kroeber 1925; Waterman 1925). 

(19) Ta^: tatun (also Tatlatunne or Tata / ten)--a village at 
Crescent City; moved in historic times to Seni gxat (Curtis 1924; 
Drucker 1937; Waterman 1925). 

(20) Seni gxat (also Seninghat, Se / :ninhat or Crescent City 
Rancheria) --at the site of Seaside Hospital in Crescent City; occu- 
pied historically by people from Ta / : tatun; 11 houses and two 
sweathouses (Drucker 1937; Kroeber 1925; Waterman 1925). 

(21) Sxme (also Cushing or Cushion) --a hamlet along Cushing 
Creek; occupied during the mid-1 9th century; one house and a sweat- 


house (Moratto 1972). Bearss (1969: Plate 1) refers to this Cushing 
Creek village as "Nec-Kah." This designation apparently is incorrect; 
it may be a misplaced reference to Neke^l , which was the Yurok name 
for the village (No. 22) at Nickel Creek (Drucker 1937; Moratto 1972: 
22). Gould (1966a: 25) states that Nos. 21 and 23 are the same. 

(22) TsiniYat Y e (also Shinyatlchi, Cinya'lcri, Cinya'tltci or 
Nickel Creek Rancheria)--on the north bank of Nickel Creek; "summer 
fishing" place; at least two houses and a sweathouse; abandoned about 
1880 (Moratto 1972; Waterman 1925; Kroeber 1925). 

(23) Ltru^cme — south of No. 22; a suburb of Ta^tatun with two 
or three houses (Drucker 1937). 

(24) Ta^gesl sa : tun --along Wilson Creek, on both sides of the 
stream; a village with both Tolowa and Yurok residents; Drucker gives 
1 men as the Yurok name for this site, but Waterman (1920) shows 

C 1 ' menhipur as the village at Wilson Creek and 1 men as a village 1/2 
mile further south (Waterman 1920: Map 6). 

(25) Sastaso" --"spoon holder," a settlement on Point Saint 
George; no data en houses (Waterman 1925). 

Yurok Settlements 

The Yurok inhabited the banks of the Klamath River from Bluff 
Creek, a few miles above Trinity River, to the ocean and along the 
coast from Trinidad to the mouth of Wilson Creek (Curtis 1924). The 
-54 named Yurok towns either were clustered around lagoons and the 
mouths of streams or were strung out along the Klamath River; there 
were no villages on smaller streams deep in the forest. The river 
tovms were situated on old terraces, usually 100 feet or more above 
the stream. In the winter of 1862 a tremendous flood destroyed 
many villages and forced the Yurok to relocate in new, higher places. 
Settlements frequently were moved for other reasons, including 
disease, attacks by enemies, bad dreams and feuding (Waterman 1920: 

Carly lists of Yurok village names were compiled by Randall 
(1866) and McKee (1952; cf. Ileizer 1972, 1973). Curtis (1924) and 


Kroeber (1925) published excellent synopses of Yurok culture, including 
data on settlements, but the most comprehensive treatment available 
is Waterman's (1920) Yurok Geography . Using Waterman's orthography, 
I describe here the principal Yurok settlements in and very near 
Redwood National Park. 

(1) / menhipu x r --"0 / men down river"; on Wilson Creek; seven 
or eight house pits were visible in 1914 on both sides of the creek, 
but there was no appreciable accumulation of shell (Kroeber 1925; 
Waterman 1920). Refer to Waterman's (1920) Map 6. 

(2) cKmen (also Amme n or Amen) --on the coast near Lagoon 
Creek; the most important settlement in the vicinity; four houses 
and one sweathouse; at the time of Waterman's visit there were 
extensive accumulations of shell, less than 18 inches deep, "much 
eroded by wind and wave"; a spring in the sand just east of the 
village provided drinking water (Curtis 1924; Kroeber 1925; Waterman 
1920: 230-231). 

(3) Re^kwoi (also Reqa i or Requa) --"creek mouth"; an exten- 
sive village of 22 to 25 houses along the Klamath River near a small 
spring; Re^kwoi was important ceremonially as one of the places 
where the Jumping Dance was held; at least one sacred dance house 
was located at this village (Randall 1866; Curtis 1924; Waterman 
1920). Kroeber lists Weltkwau , Tsekwetl, Pegwolau and Keskitsa as 
suburbs, and Tmeri and Otwego as somewhat doubtful separate villages 
(1925: 10). A map of Yurok house sites at Re'kwoi is given by 
Waterman ( 1 92 : Map 8 ) . 

(4) We^lkwa™ (also Weltkwau, Wetlko, Wekeswah or Wehlku )--a 
town situated across the river -from Re^kwoi ; nine houses are reported; 
a few house frames were still standing before 1920, but modern barns 
and outbuildings occupied much of the former village site; in this 
town lived an Indian with extremely valuable fishing medicine (Randall 
1866; Curtis 1924; Waterman 1920). We x lkwa w was one of a half-dozen 
Vurok villages with a sacred sweathouse where White Deerskin or 
Jumping dances could be performed (Kroeber 1925: 10). 


(5) Tse^wel (also Otwego) -- on the south bank of the Klamath 
River; Tse / kwel means "flat place in front of a bluff;" no data regarding 
houses (Kroeber 1925; Waterman 1920). 

(6) Ik/ 3 pa w (also Hoppaw, Hoppeu, Ho'pau or lla c pau) — on the north 
bank of the Klamath River; a small but wealthy town of four houses; a 
smallpox epidemic all but decimated this village in the early historic 
period; one wealthy woman in this town was cremated, along with her house, 
in compliance with her last request (Randall 1866; Kroeber 1925; Curtis 
1924; Waterman 1920). 

(7) Wo^ke'l (also Wokkel, Wakhel, Wohkel, Wakhkel or Wahke c l) -- 
"pepperwood"; on the Klamath River opposite No. 6; two or three houses; 
this site was destroyed by flood before 1920 (Curtis 1924; Waterman 1920). 

(8) Sa /:> al (also Sa'aihl or Sa'aitl) -- "spirit people"; located 
on the Klamath River's north bank opposite Tu'rip; Sa /;> al was an impor- 
tant town of seven houses, with one or two very wealthy families; the 
town was thought to be inhabited by spirits, as well as by human beings 
(Kroeber 1925; Waterman 1920). 

(9) Ti/rip (also Tarep, Turip or Turwrep) -- one of two towns on a 
"fine redwood flat;" this town contained eight houses and three sweat- 
houses (Randall 1866; Curtis 1924; Kroeber 1925; Waterman 1920). 

The many additional Yurok villages upriver from Tt/rip are not de- 
scribed here because of their distance from Redwood National Park. Lo- 
cations and cultural details for these settlements are given by Kroeber 
(1925) and Waterman (1920). 

(10) segen (also Osegen, As'eghen, Ashegen or Ossagon)--on the 
north bank of Ossagon (or Ojagon) Creek; a small town with three houses 
and two sweathouses (Curtis 1924; Kroeber 1925; Waterman 1920); two sweat- 
houses were still visible in the meadow north of the creek in 1935 (Hood 

(11) E^pa" (also Eshpeu, Espa v , Aspau or X'spa w)--on the coast 
near Espa Lagoon; an important town of four to seven houses; many resi- 
dents of E'spa" had relatives in the towns of the lower Klamath River and 
there were direct trails between the two areas; the town was occupied 
until early in the 20th century and lias accumulations of shell "sevt 


yards thick" (Curtis 1924; Kroeber 1925; Waterman 1920). 

(12) Otmekwo / r--at the edge of Redwood Lagoon; an old site with 
five house pits visible in 1920; possibly the site from which the inhabi- 
tants of Ore q w originated (Waterman 1920). 

(13) O-re'V* (also Orek^ ?vraq or Arek w ) — near Redwood Lagoon; this 
was the most important town in the neighborhood; in 1920 there were traces 
of six houses, a sweathouse and a cemetery; this was one of the villages 
at which the Jumping Dance was held; the early population of 0-re q w is 
estimated to have been 25 to 35 persons (Waterman 1920). 

(14) Hr / gwr >w (also Hergwer or Plepe i)--at the edge of Stone Lagoon; 
seven houses and two sweathouses are reported for this site; during the 
early 1860s Chilula Indians from Bald Hills raided this village and killed 

10 people; the survivors moved across the lagoon and settled at Tsa / ]ipek w 
(Kroeber 1925; Waterman 1920). 

(15) Tsa / hpek w (also Tsapek or Tsa — at the edge of Stone Lagoon; 

11 house names were recorded; this site was occupied until about 1935 
(Moratto 1970, 1972; Waterman 1920). 

(16) Tso // tskwi --at the edge of Dry Lagoon; an old site, possibly 
with as many as 12 houses and two sweathouses (Waterman 1920). 

(17) Tmr^i— an old village site; no data on houses; the American 
town of Requa rests squarely upon this place (Waterman 1920). 

(18) Si / gwets (or Cigwe tsu)--an old town site at the edge of Red- 
wood Lagoon; a suburb of O-re^q^* (Waterman 1920). 

(19) 0-ra /w — on the west bank of Prairie Creek; a camp site with 
a collection of shelters used while gathering acorns; the last outpost 
of Yuroks on Redwood Creek (Waterman 1920). 

Chilula Settlements 

Goddard (1914b) has documented the location of 28 Chilula villages 
and camps along the Redwood Creek drainage. All but one of the perman- 
ent villages were situated on the northeastern bank of this stream; the 
temporary (summer) camps were to be found on the higher "prairies" and 
hills on both sides (Kroeber 1925: 137). The Chilula are said to have 
been traditional enemies of the Teswan (i.e., Coast Yurok) and the heavily- 


wooded region separating their villages was a place of danger (Goddard 
1914b). Kroeber (1925: 137) estimated that the average Chilula village 
was hone to about 30 people. 

Chilula sites of relevance to Redwood National Park are listed below. 

(1) Xowunnakut (or Howunnakut) — on a small flat east of Redwood 
Creek; the lowest Chilula village recorded by Goddard (1914b); several 
possible housepits were visible in 1914 (Goddard); if Goddard 's (1914b) 

A A 

map is correct, Xowunnakut would have been in the vicinity of Counts Hill 
Prairie. In passing, it should be noted that Waterman (1920: 262) men- 
tioned the Chilula village of Otlep as being the first settlement upstream 
from Yurok territory; Otlep may be a Yurok name for Xowunnakut . 

(2) Noledin (or Noleding) — a village on the northeast bank of Red- 
wood Creek upstream from No. 1; this large settlement was occupied until 
1838, when the last residents moved to Hoopa Valley. Both this village 
site and that of Xowunnakut possibly lie in or near the National Park. 
Goddard (1914b: 273) noted: 

The village derived its name, and perhaps its existence, 
from a nole, or waterfall, a short distance up the stream. 
The creek bed was formerly choked with huge boulders, 
causing a fall, which was jumped by the salmon with diffi- 
culty. The fishing for both lamprey and eels, carried on 
with nets below the fall, was excellent. 

Important information regarding Noledin was received in a letter from 

R.W. Becking of Areata to the Director of the Cultural Resources Section 

of the California Department of Parks and Recreation in Sacramento. In 

part, this letter reads: 

In 1972, a study was made of the Chilula Indian tribe which 
inhabited the middle portion of the Redwood Creek drainage. 
According to accounts by Pliny E. Goddard (1914), a number 
of Indian villages were visited in 1906... One village, 
"Nolemdin," was described as . . . above a waterfall in Red- 
wood Creek ... Some 5-6 house pit sites were discovered ... 
and two stone hearths erected on the site later by the miners. 
Contact was made through Dr. Thomas Parsons with the Hoopa 
Indians and two aged women were found who have lived at Nolemdin 
and were anxious to go to the former site and identify three 
grave sites ... Nolemdin seemed also to have been the largest 
permanent Chilula village and is in close proximity to the Red- 


wood National Park. (Becking 1973: 2-3) 

(3) Lotcimme — a village upstream from No led in and east of Redwood 
Creek; site of an old lamprey weir; housepits were visible on the northern 
edge before 1914; probably outside the Redwood National Park boundary (cf. 
Goddard 1914b: 273). 

(4) Yitsinneakuttcin — a temporary camp site west of Noledih ; this 
camp was occupied by Indians from the main village when they were gather- 
ing tan oak acorns (Goddard 1914b) . 

(5) Lotsxotdawillindin --a temporary camp site east of No led in (Goddard 

(6) Fort near Lotcimme : 

On the east side of Redwood Creek . . . above Noledin the 
ruin of a fortification was examined. It was quite 
hidden in the redwood timber .... A house had been 
built of large redwood logs put together horizontally 
in the form of a square, like a log cabin. There were 
four logs still in place, one above the other. The 
bottom logs, which were the larger, were about one and 
a half feet in diameter. Loop holes were made between the 
logs. Dan Hill said the roof, supported by a post in 
the center, was of split redwood planks. The door in 
the middle of the western wall was of tan oak planks 
about four inches thick. The floor was almost three feet 
below the surface of the ground outside. A small log house 
formerly stood south of the blockhouse and a house had 
stood near the creek. Among others, Tom Hill lived here 
for some time in anticipation of an attack by white people. 
The fortification, which was made during the trouble with 
white people, was never used. It is possible that this 
structure was copied from similar ones built by the white 
people of the region, for the Indians of Northwestern 
California seem not to have used fortifications of any 
kind. (Goddard 1914b: 281) 

The many additional Chilula camp and village sites upstream from 

Lotcimme are described by Goddard (1914b). Since they fall outside the 

National Park boundaries, no mention of them will be made here. 


Northwest coastal houses were made of redwood or cedar planks split 
from felled logs with antler wedges and stone mauls, Cross cuts were made 
with fire, which was controlled with wet clay to prevent irregular burning, 


The rough plank was then dressed with an adze (Ileizer 1951b) . 

Yurok houses were rectangular in plan, measuring about 20 to 24 feet 
wide by 30 to 36 feet long. The vertical wall planks, 1 to 3 feet wide 
and up to 4 inches thick, were secured to horizontal plates with withes or 
rope. The truncated-gable roof was formed of three rows of planks: one 
pitched to the right, one to the left and one nearly horizontal row on 
top. This tripartite roof was supported by four heavy stringers set into 
notches in the end-wall siding planks. A circular doorway, which could be 
shut with a board, was cut into one of the end-wall planks, near the ground 
and next to a corner (Plate I). About half of the enclosed area was occu- 
pied by a rectangular pit, 2 or 3 feet deep, within which the fire pit 
was centered. The earthen "deck" between the pit and the wall was used 
for the storage of firewood, food baskets, fishnets and other household 
effects. Certain parts of this deck were reserved for sleeping and were 
furnished with matresses of woven tules or the skins of deer, elk or "pan- 
ther" (mountain lion) (Kroeber 1925; Heizer 1951b; Warburton and Endert 
1966; Curtis 1924). Excellent photographs of such structures are to be 
found in Warburton and Endert (1966: 45-46) and Curtis (1924: facing pp. 
52 and 54). 

Yurok sweathouses were built over a rectangular pit, about 9 feet 
wide, 12 feet long and 4 feet deep. The walls of the pit were lined with 
heavy planks, which were cut to form a gable about 2 feet above ground 
level on the ends. A ridge pole was set into the end planks and thick 
roof boards were laid between the ridge and the earthen side walls. Sweat - 
houses were always located near a stream, a lake or the ocean so that the 
men could plunge into cold water after sweating. Sweathouses were used 
for ritual, social and medicinal sweating, but they also served as dormi- 
tories for men and older boys (Warburton and Endert 1966: 74-75; Heizer 
1951b: Eig. 32). 

Kroeber (1925: U0) made the following observation on Chilula housing: 

The Chilula built the typical northwestern plank house and 
small square sweathouse in their permanent village. They 
were the most southerly Athabascan tribe to use this type of 
sweathouse. In addition, two villages contained large round 
dance houses of the kind characteristic of the region to the 
south, but not otherwise known in northwestern California. 


Plate I. Yurok family hosue at Re'kwoi on the north bank of the 

Klamath River. The house has been reconstructed and is 

maintained by the Del Norte County Historical Society. An exact 

replica was created in 1976 at the Wattis Hall of Man, 

California Academy of Sciences, San Francisco. 



FIG. XV: Noledin , a Chilula village near Redwood Creek. (A) Remnant 
of a stone fireplace at Noledin. (B) Hollow redwood trees north of the 
site which were used as shelters by the Chilula (see Chapter III). 

2 3 

In addition to the "standard" residence and sweathouse, the Chilula 
are reported to have made brush-covered summer houses at their temporary 
camps. They also apparently used hollow redwood trees (Plate II) as ephem- 
eral shelters during inclement weather (Goddard 1914b: 271). In most re- 
spects, Chilula dwellings must have been similar to those of the Hupa, 
which are described by Goddard (1903a: 11-17). Good photographs of Hupa 
or Chilula dwellings are published in Kroeber (1925: Plate 13), Goddard 
(1903a: Plate 2) and Curtis (1924: facing pp. 12 and 14). 

Detailed accounts of Tolowa houses are given by Curtis (1924), Drucker 
(1937: 234-236) and Gould (1966a: 22-27). Tolowa dwellings differed from 
their Yurok counterparts, in that they tended to be square, their gabled 
roofs had only two slopes and their entrance holes were more commonly 
square than round. Tolowa sweathouses were subterranean, like Yurok 
sweathouses, but the former were covered with a single-pitch shed roof, 
which in turn was buried beneath a thick mantle of earth. Gould's (1966a) 
Plate 2 depicts such a sweathouse. 


Typical canoes of northwest California are illustrated in Heizer 
(1951b: Fig. 12), Kroeber (1925: Plates 5, 13), Warburton and Endert 
(1966: 84), Kroeber and Barrett (1960: Plate 5) and Curtis (1924: facing 
pp. 26, 44 and 78). 

Prior to the construction of a canoe, the Yurok held a special dance 

and sang a boat-making song. A redwood tree about 5 feet in diameter 

would then be chosen for felling, a tedious enterprise which might take 

six months. Another six months could be consumed as the canoe took form 

under the wedges, adzes and gouges used for carving (Warburton and Endert 

1966: 67-70). In contrast to this account, it was asserted by Kroeber 

(1925: 83) that fallen trees or drift logs were customarily used and that 

fire was used to excavate the canoe's interior. Kroeber provides these 


The Yurok type of canoe, which was made also by the Tolowa 
and Wiyot and sold to the Hupa and Karok, is dug out of half 
a redwood log, and is a clumsy but symmetrical and carefully 
finished vessel. It is used on the ocean, but is obviously a 


type devised for a rushing river full of rocks. ...the round 
belly of the boat and its gradually curving underside, without 
stem, allow a single stroke of the steersman's paddle to swing 
it as on a pivot, and in the rapids many a rock is approached 
head on and then shot by so close that the hand could reach it. 
....The paddle... is a combination of pushing and sweeping 
implement, a stout pole 6 to 8 feet long, spreading below to a 
narrow, heavy blade, and used by standing men. Only the seated 
helmsman holds a true canoeing paddle (Kroeber 1925: 82-83). 

Northwestern canoes averaged about 18 feet in length, 3 to 4 feet of 
beam and 10 to IS inches deep (Kroeber 1925: 83). The dimensions of a 
Yurok canoe at Orleans were: length, 18 feet 2 inches; beam, 3 feet 8 
inches; bow width 3 feet 1 inch; depth amidships 1 foot 5 inches (Curtis 
1924: 39). Larger sea-going canoes were apparently in use during recent 
times to haul goods between Requa and Crescent City (Warburton and lindert 
1966: 67-70). All canoes were equipped with carved footbraces for the 
bowsman and with both bootbraces and a carved seat for the steersman 
(Kroeber 1925). 

The Tolowa canoes described by Drucker (1937) are essentially the 
same as those made by the Yurok, except that some Tolowa boats were much 
larger. Powers (1877: 169) saw on Humboldt Bay one of these sea-going 
canoes, which he said was made on Smith River and which measured 42 feet 
in length and had a beam of 8 feet 4 inches. It was capable of carrying 
24 men or five tons of freight (cf. Kroeber and Barrett 1960: 126). Drucker 
states that the Tolowa made five-man "sea lion boats," which were up to 

4.5 fathoms (~27 feet) long, 3 feet deep and 1 fathom of beam (Drucker 
1937: 237). This description is certainly consistent with Amelia Brown's 
recollection that "four or five" Tolowa "boys" and "two or three" sea 
lions could fit in one of the canoes stationed at TsiniYat Y e (Amelia Brown 
1972: personal communication). 

The Chilula are said not to have employed watercraft (Kroeber 1925). 

Subsistence Activities 

Diversity characterized both the subsistence technology and the 
range of resources utilized by the north coast Indians. Fishing and 
collecting shellfish were emphasized in the native economy, but hunting, 


fowling and gathering floral products were also quite important. The 
resources of the northwest coast were so abundant that the Indians of the 
area were able to attain some of the highest levels of population density 
and cultural complexity known among food-gathering peoples anywhere. It 
should be pointed out, however, that although the northwest coast area 
produced literally tons of salmon, sea lion, whale, deer, elk, bear and 
waterfowl meat, these resources were available on a sporadic schedule and 
there were times of privation or outright starvation (Suttles 1968: 56-58). 

Many techniques were developed to store surplus food for later use. 
Fish were smoked or dried in the sun; clams were steamed and dried; dried 
acorns, nuts, seeds, berries and seaweed were stored in baskets or boxes, 
and sea mammal meat and certain fish were rendered for oil, then hung 
within the family house to dry. Other foods, such as mussels and salmon 
berries, could not be preserved and had to be eaten fresh (Drucker 1957; 
Gould 1966a; Suttles 1968; Kroeber 1925). 

The best accounts of native fishing practices in northwest California 
are given by Hewes (1942, 1947), Kroeber and Barrett (1960) and Rostlund 
(1952). Both marine and freshwater species of fish were taken with a great 
variety of nets, spears, leisters, hooks, harpoons, traps, weirs and poisons 
(cf. Bennyhoff 1950; Drucker 1937; Kroeber 1925; Kroeber and Barrett 1960; 
Hewes 1947). The main riverine fishes sought by the Indians were king or 
Chinook salmon ( Qncorhynchus tschawytscha ) , coho or silver salmon ( 0. kisutch ) , 
red or sockeye salmon ( 0. nerka ) , steelhead ( Salmo gairdnerii ) , white sturgeon 
( Acipenser transmontanus ) , green sturgeon (A. medirostris) , lamprey eel 
( Endosphenus tridentatus ) and several varieties of suckers (Catostomus 
spp.) (Kroeber and Barrett 1960). Of marine fishes, the Tolowa, at least, 
are known to have taken soupfin shark ( Galeorhinus zyopterus) , Pacific 
hake ( Merliccius productus) , Pacific halibut ( Hippoglossus stenolepsis ) , 
redtail surfperch (Molconotus rhodoterus) , striped seaperch ( Taeniotoca 
lateralis ) , bocaccio (Sebastodes paucispinis) , yellowtail rockfish 
( Sebastodes flavidus ) , black rockfish ( Sebastodes melanops ) , vermilion 
rockfish ( Sebastodes miniatus ) , turkey-red rockfish ( Sebastodes ruberrimus ) , 
lingcod ( Ophiodon elongatus ) , kelp greenling (Hexagrammos decagrammus) , 
Cabczon ( Scorpaenichthys marmoratus ) and red Irish lord ( Hemilepidotus 


hemilepidotus ) (Gould 1966a: 85). Photos of native fishermen have been 
published by Curtis (1924), Warburton and Endert (1966) and Kroeber and 
Barrett (1960). 

Sea mammals were highly prized for food in northwest California, 
especially by the Tolowa. Both the Yurok and the Tolowa respected indi- 
vidual ownership of stretches of beach where sea lions could be harpooned 
or where beached whales could be processed. Whales were not hunted on the 
sea, but seals and sea lions were taken regularly (cf. Driver 1939; Hewes 
1947; Kroeber 1925). Accounts of sea lion hunting are given by Warburton 
and Endert (1966: 111-113) and by Kroeber and Barrett (1960; 116-117). 
The Yurok hunted sea lions 

...on the rocks, about six men going out in a boat. Three or 
four of these might bring deerskin blankets, or sometimes a 
bearskin because some sea lions are black. These men landed 
on the rock to act like sea lions and attract them; the others 
stayed in the boat, off to one side, out of sight ... .When those 
left there saw sea lions coming, they began to sway and crawl 
and shout like them, to persuade the sea lions to cone up close. 
Meanwhile they got their harpoons ready; and when a sea lion 
was near enough, all the men cast their harpoons at the same 
time.... The sea lion would drag off whatever harpoon he was 
struck by. Then the boat came close to the stack and took 
off the hunters, and they looked about for the sea lion to 
emerge. .. .Two of the men in the boat stood ready witli more 
spears. .. Sometimes the animal had to be struck five times be- 
fore it was killed. .. .Usually they did not attempt to harpoon 
a large sea lion when the sun was getting low, because the 
big ones took a long time to kill and sometimes dragged the 
boat far out into the ocean. . .Morning was the right time to 
spear big ones, because it might take up to half a day to 
kill them. A good sized sea lion cannot be taken into the 
boat; holes were punched through its lips and flippers, and 
then it was towed back to land. (Kroeber and Barrett 1960: 

Not fewer than six species of sea mammals were represented in the 
archeological remains at the Point Saint George site: whale (sp. ?), 
stellar sea lion ( Eumetopias 'ubata ), California sea lion ( Zalophus 
califorianus) , harbor seal ( Phoca vitulina ) , northern fur seal ( Callo - 
rhinus ursinus ) and sea otter ( Enhydra lutra) (Gould 1966a). 

In addition to sea mammals, shellfish were staples in the diet of 

the Tolowa and Coast Yurok. Excellent data regarding the exploitation of 

molluscan resources by the northern California peoples arc recorded by 


Driver (1939), Gould (1966a), liewes (1947) and Kroeber and Barrett (1960). 
Among the species collected were the ocean mussel ( Mytilus californianus ) , 
abalone ( Haliotis refescens and H. cracherodii ) , Washington clam ( Saxidomus 
nuttallii ) , common littleneck ( Protothaca staminea ) , heart cockle 
( Clinocardium nuttallii ), razor clam ( Siliqua patula ) , gaper (Tresus 
nuttallii ) , rock scallop ( Hinnites giganteus ) , barnacles ( Balanus sp.), 
sea urchin (Strongylocentrotus purpuratus) , giant chiton ( Cryptochiton 
stelleri) and various crabs (Cancer spp.) (Gould 1966a; Kroeber and Barrett 

Although many types of resident and migratory birds occur in the 
northwest coastal region, they seem not to have been exploited in propor- 
tion to their abundance. The Tolowa customarily got young cormorants 
( Phalacrocorax sp.) from their nests before they could fly (Gould 1966a: 
35). Geese, ducks, scoters, coots, gulls and pelicans were probably also 
taken for food, although the ethnographies are vague in terms of species 
identification. It is certain that pileated woodpeckers ( Dryocopus pileatus ) 
and acorn woodpeckers ( Melanerpes formic iverous ) were killed for their red 
crests (Kroeber 1925; Gould 1966b; Drucker 1937). 

All of the north coastal groups seem to have held private tracts 
of land for hunting and collecting. Animals were secured in traps or 
snares or were shot with arrows. Important food creatures included deer 
( Odocoileus hemionus ), elk ( Cervus canadensis ), black bear ( Euarctos 
americanus ) , racoon ( Procyon lotor ) , coyote ( Canis latrans ) , rabbits 
( Sylvilagus spp.), hares (Lepus spp.) and mountain lions ( Felis concolor ) 
(Gould 1966a; Drucker 1937; Kroeber 1925; Curtis 1924; Suttles 1968). 

A number of authors have described the seasonal round practiced 
by the Indians of the north coast. These data may be synopsized as 

Spring : Chinook and silverside salmon and sturgeon caught in rivers 
and creeks; certain roots and berries collected in late spring; hazel 
shoots gathered for making baskets; young greens gathered; eels trapped; 
various land mammals hunted; clams dug. 

Summer : Ferns, beargrass and hazel shoots gathered for baskets; 
blackberries, thimbleberries, salmonberries, huckleberries and raspberries 


picked; deer, rabbits, etc. hunted; surf fishing (for smelt) in later 
summer; hazel nuts collected; cormorant eggs and nestlings gathered; 
foraging for seaweed, molluscs, abalone, etc.; some sea mammals hunted. 

Fall : Special work groups left the main villages to gather acorns 
and then to fish for Chinook and silver salmon; numerous plant foods 
gathered, including hazel nuts, wild onions, camas, wild popatoes, chin- 
quapin nuts, huckleberries, manzanita berries, fern roots, soap root, 
skunk cabbage roots, many kinds of grass seeds and pine nuts; quail, deer 
and rabbits hunted; sea mammal hunting continued. 

Winter: Best sea lion hunting was in late winter/early spring; 
waterfowl hunted; steelhead, candlefish, eels and sturgeon caught; deer 
and elk hunted; most likely period for beached whales; economic pursuits 
diminished and increased reliance placed on stored foods. 

Additional details are provided by Suttles (1968), Warburton and 
Endert (1966: 104-105), Gould (1966a: 38-92, 1966b), Drucker (1937: 
231-235) and Kroeber (1925: 84-88). 

Money and Wealth 

Among the Indians of northwest California, all material items—baskets, 

houses, tobacco, canoes, bows, etc. --had some recognized worth, but they 

were not considered to be money or treasure goods (Heizer 1951b; Kroeber 

1925). Special treasures included white deerskins, red woodpecker scalps 

and excessively large (up to 33 inches) flint and obsidian blades (Kroeber 

1925: 26-28; Drucker 1937: 242). Oentalium shells, acquired in trade from 

more northerly Indians and strung on fiber twine, functioned as money. 

Kroeber (1925: 23) said that "the Yurok grade their shells very exactly 

according to length, on which alone the value depends"; but Warburton and 

Endert (1966: 36) observed that incised dentalia were worth a little more 

than plain ones. Dentalia sizes and values are reported by Kroeber (1925: 

23); the function of the shells is described by Drucker (1937: 240-241): 

The uses of the dentalia were virtually the same as those of 
our money. One could pay damages; hire a doctor to cure; buy 
a magical formula, a canoe, a quiverful of arrows, or a dance 

headband with the shells The chief points of difference are 

that the Tolowa currency counted for more in determining social 


status, and that it was not normally exchanged for the necessi- 
ties of life. 

Dental ia strings were measured against tatoos on the arms of men 
(see Curtis 1924: facing p. 108). Illustrations of these wealth items 
are widely available: Dentalia shells (Gould 1966b: 71; Curtis 1924: 
facing p. 10); woodpecker scalp headband (Gould 1966b: 71); white deer- 
skins (Curtis 1924: facing pp. 30 £ 32; Heizer 1951b: Fig. 25; Kroeber 
1925: Plate 3; Kroeber and Gifford 1949: Plate 2), and obsidian blades 
(Curtis 1924: facing p. 34; Kroeber 1925: Plate 2; Gould 1966b: 73). 

Kroeber (1925: 2) stressed the significance of wealth and the role 
of wealthy men in maintaining social cohesion. In a later paper, DuBois 
(1936: 50) made a distinction between "subsistence" and "prestige" econ- 
omies of the Tolowa: 

By subsistence economy is meant the exploitation of the plenti- 
ful natural resources available to any industrious individual. 
...By prestige economy, on the other hand, is meant a series of 
social prerogatives and status values... 

Gould, in a comprehensive examination of The Wealth Quest Among the 

Tolowa Indians , argued, instead, that subsistence and prestige economies 

were inter-related on the northwest coast: 

It will be shown that the quest for wealth among the Tolowa 
hinged primarily upon the acquisition and disposal of women. 
The fact that the ultimate goal of an ambitious Tolowa man 
was prestige (for which the possession of wealth was a prere- 
quisite) has been amply demonstrated... What this paper will 
show is that the workings of this quest for wealth—and ulti- 
mately prestige — were substantially different from what has 
been previously suggested for these people. With certain mod- 
ifications which will be described, Tolowa "treasures" were 
all-purpose money, with women's labor serving as the link be- 
tween the subsistence and prestige aspects of the economy 
(Gould 1966b: 68) 


Following an exhaustive review of Tolowa economics, it was concluded 

While the exchange of subsistence goods (particularly food) 
for "treasures" was not an everyday affair, it nevertheless 
was common. .. .Given the fact that "treasures" could be and were 
exchanged for food, it becomes easier to realize the basic 
importance of a man's access to women's labor in his quest for 
wealth. The more women a man had working for him, the more 


food lie could expect to store--thus furnishing him with articles 
which could be exchanged for "treasures" and at the same time 
furnishing a direct means of enhancing his prestige at feasts... 
(Gould 1966b: 37) 

Clothing and Ornamentation 

Dress for women consisted of a skirt, about 26 inches long, made 
of fringed buckskin or, less often, shredded maple bark. A twined apron, 
lavishly decorated with beads, shells and pine nuts, was worn over the 
front of the skirt (cf. Curtis 1924: facing p. 98). Finely-woven twined 
basketry caps were worn almost constantly and necklaces of Dental ium 
shells or other beads were much admired. All women were tatooed on the 
chin with vertical strips running from the mouth downward (Warburton and 
Fndert 1966: 150-151; Curtis 1924: facing p. 100). 

Men customarily wore a buckskin wrap or breechclout. When hunting 
in brushy country, leggins were indispensable. In winter or when treKking 
great distances, men and women wore moccasins. Both single-piece deerskin 
moccasins and moccasins with extra elkhide soles were made. Blankets or 
capes of animal fur augmented the standard dress in cold weather. 

Illustrations of northwest coast Indian clothing are to be found 
in Goddard (1903a: Plates 4 and 5); Heizer (1973: Figs. 1-4); Kroeber 
and Heizer (1968: Figs. 23, 24, 61, 73 and 98); Warburton and Fndert 
(1966: 142), and Curtis (1924: facing pp. 64, 72, 86, 92, 96, 93, 100, 
102, 110 and 112) . 


Chilula, Tolowa and Yurok women brought the craft of basket weaving 
to a high degree of excellence. Aside for minor elements of finish, all 
northwestern California basketry was made by the twining technique. Baskets 
were twined of spruce, redwocd, bullpine, sugarpine, alder, willow or wild 
grape roots over warps of hazel, willow or myrtle sticks. Overlay was 
completed with white grass ( Xerophyllum tenax ) , ferns or porcupine quills. 
Special basketry forms were made for cooking, storage, grinding acorns, 
carrying burdens and toting infants; there were also fish baskets, soup 
baskets, dippers, water baskets, gift baskets, dance baskets and basketry 


caps for women, all fashioned by twining. Fine examples of all these 
types are illustrated by O'Neale (1932: Plates 5-58). Other north coast 
baskets are to be seen in Mason (1904: Plates 86, 88, 92, 96, 170 and 171) 
and Goddard (1903a: Plates 20-27). 

Miscellaneous Material Arts 

In addition to the many sorts of baskets and a considerable 
number of dance paraphernalia, nearly 100 different kinds of 
implements. . .have been preserved in museums. Adding those 
which went out of use before they were collected, it is safe 
to say that the group made at least 150 and perhaps 200 dis- 
tinct types of utensils. This is evidence of a fairly rich 
civilization. (Kroeber 1925: 97) 

Some of these implements include bows and arrows (Warburton and Endert 

1966: 89-90; Schumacher 1951; Ray 1886; Pope 1962), musical instruments 

(Curtis 1924; Kroeber 1925: 96), woodworking tools (Kroeber 1925; Goddard 

1903a; Curtis 1924) and fishing tackle (Kroeber and Barret 1960; Hewes 1947; 

Bennyhoff 1950; Curtis 1924; Kroeber 1925). Many details regarding cultural 

material are given in the general summaries by Driver (1939), Flannery 

(1939), Kroeber (1925), Curtis (1924), Warburton and Endert (1966), Goddard 

(1903a, 1914b) and Drucker (1937). 

Tobacco and Smoking 

Native tobacco (Nicotiana sp.) was the only plant cultivated by the 
Indians of northwest California. A level place was prepared for cultiva- 
tion by covering it with spruce, fir and hemlock boughs, which were then 
burned to ash. Wild tobacco seeds were sown with the aid of a digging 
stick early in the spring and the young plants were tended with care. Men 
customarily smoked their tobacco pipes in the sweathouses before retiring 
(Warburton and Endert 1966: 88). 


Among California's north coast Indians there developed a unique 
complex of traits associated with shamanism. Customarily women, shamans 
were persons who derived special power from the possession of a "pain" (a 
pathological object with its own power) and the ability to control it. 


Curing was accomplished by sucking the pain out of the patient during a 

singing and dancing ritual (Drucker 1937; Kroeber 1925). Doctors' fees 

were high and had to be paid in advance. One man is reported to have paid 

$20 and a string of Dental ium shells for a cure; a particularly reputable 

shaman is said to have consistently charged $100 per case (Warburton and 

Endert 1966: 76-78). Detailed accounts of shamanism are given by Spott 

and Kroeber (1951), Kroeber (1925), Curtis (1924: 43-46) and Drucker (1937 


There also was a special class of sorcerers: 

Whereas some sorcerers are said to have practiced their evil 
art in secret, others openly boasted of their misdeeds. Usually 
their reputation for invulnerability was sufficient to save them 
from retaliation, though modern firearms seem to have been more 
effective against them than aboriginal weapons. I have the notion 
that often sorcery may have been an outlet for a thirst for recog- 
nition. It is certain that the wizard was greatly feared. (Drucker 
1937: 259) 

Mortuary Practices 

Disposal of the dead by burial was the universal custom in north- 
western California, except that persons who had starved to death were 
sometimes thrown into a river (Curtis 1924: 42; Gould 1963). A corpse 
was retained in the family house for one to three days while kinsmen 
assembled for the funeral. The body was then removed from the house 
through a special opening in the wall; a corpse was never carried through 
the regular door. In the cemetery, which was near the houses, a shallow 
grave was prepared by a kinsman. Dental ium shells and broken wealth 
items — obsidian blades, woodpecker scalp headbands, etc. — were placed 
with the deceased in the board-lined grave. After the burial, poles were 
erected at the grave site and were hung with baskets, dance costumes and 
other valuables. After the funeral all persons associated with the burial 
had to undergo ritual cleansiag, lest they be contaminated by the death 
(Curtis 1924: 42; Kroeber 1925: 46-47; Warburton and Endert 1966: 123; 
Drucker 1937: 255-256; Gould 1963). 

An absolute taboo is laid on the names of the dead; the violation 
of this constitutes a mortal offense, voidable only by a considerable 


payment (Kroeber 1925: 48; Curtis 1924: 42). 

The property of the deceased was inherited by patrilineal relatives. 
That which could not be used was burned rather than given to non-kinsmen 
(Drucker 1937) . Relatives were expected to show grief for about a year 
after the funeral. This requirement was particularly binding upon widows, 
who had to singe their hair, cover their faces with pitch and/or ashes and 
generally refrain from social contacts for the mourning period. 


The Indians of California's north coast region vigorously participated 

in the World Renewal Cult, one of three native ceremonial systems in the 


The esoteric magic and avowed purpose of the focal ceremonies 
comprising the system include reestablishment or firming of 
the earth, first-fruits observances, new fire, prevention of 
disease and calamity for another year or biennium. These sev- 
eral motivations, some of which are explicit or alluded to in 
each of the dozen local cults, appear to be conveniently sug- 
gested by our name "world renewal";... (Kroeber and Gifford 
1949: 1-3) 

World Renewal ceremonies consisted of esoteric rites performed by a 

priest or formulist, along with the White Deerskin and Jumping dances: 

The two used different characteristic regalia--woodpecker- 
scalp headbands and dance baskets in the Jumping Dance; 
albino and other deerskins along with long flint and obsid- 
ian blades in the Deerskin. The prescribed steps were quite 
different, and the songs can always be told apart. (Kroeber 
and Gifford 1949: 3) 

These sacred dances were held only in a few special locations, where 
tradition and the availability of religious structures permitted them. 
Among the villages which held World Renewal dances were Re x kwoi , We^lkwa^ 
0-r_ejV^, Pckwan , Kepel and Weitspus (Curtis 1924: 47-48; Kroeber and 
Gifford 1949: 2). The Chilula are reported to have held White Deerskin 
Dances in prehistoric times also, but details are lacking (Goddard 1914b: 
272). Descriptions of the World Renewal dances are to be found in Kroeber 
(1925), Kroeber and Gifford (1949), Woodruff (1892), Goddard (1903a) and 
Curtis (1924). 


In addition to the dances associated with the World Renewal rites, 
the Brush Dance was held by northwestern groups for the purpose of curing 
children (Kroeber 1925; Kroeber and Gifford 1949). 


The rich mythologies of the various cultures relevant to this study 
have been documented by Goddard (1903a, 1904, 1914a), Drucker (1937), 
Graves (1929), Kroeber (1908, 1925), Kroeber and Gifford (1949), Warburton 
and Endert (1966), Waterman (1951), Curtis (1924) and many others. Only a 
few comments on mythology will be offered here. 

The Yurok seem to have recognized countless spiritual entities, of 
which three were particularly important. Wahpeku-mau was the creator and 
a spirit who controlled natural resources, Pulu kuhl-qerreq was character- 
ized as a spirit who could transform evil beings into harmless ones and 
Coyote was the paragon of deceit, a trickster who often emerged victorious 
(Curtis 1924: 54). Of the many Yurok myths, two will be recounted briefly 
because of their relevance to the Redwood National Park vicinity. 

Oregos : At the time of creation, WahpSku-mau informed all spirits 
that they could choose what they wanted to be. Oregos decided to be the 
tall rock on the north bank at the mouth of the Klamath River (cf. Warburton 
and Endert 1966: 33). To Oregos was given the responsibility of directing 
the salmon into the river when spawning conditions were right. Oregos 
also saved people from drowning and fishermen prayed to her for calm seas 
(Warburton and Endert 1966: 14-16). 

Nock Maye (Split Rock): Long ago, Nock Maye was a single great rock 
on the coast a few miles south of the Klamath River. Nearby lived an 
aging widower with his unmarried daughter of 20 years. When the old man 
announced that his daughter wished to marry, a large number of single men 
gathered at Nock Maye to compete for her hand. The bride, it was deter- 
mined, would go to the man who could cast his net into the sea and catch 
the most fish. The men fished all day, but they caught nothing. Finally, 
Beaver (Tesear) came along and entered the contest. After making fishing 
magic, Beaver flung his great net into the sea as Tar as the sun, securing 
the near end of his net to a stake driven into Nock Maye . So many tons of 


fish were netted that the strain on the anchor stake split the rock. 
Beaver was permitted to marry the girl and the split in Nock Maye may be 
seen to this day (Warburton and Endert 1966: 23-25). 

Tolowa myths were similar to those of the Yurok. There was a crea- 
tor (" Kwd'c le^cun ) who was rather remote but who was prayed to, nonethe- 
less. There were supernatural serpents in every river and lagoon and 
every sea lion rock was owned by a giant octopus, which ate people who 
broke taboos associated with the rock. The Tolowa also believed fervently 
in wood devil s--wild hairy beings of human form — as well as benevolent 
wood sprites (Drucker 1937: 267-268). 

Miscellaneous Aspects of Social Organization 

Space limitations prevent even an introduction to the complex and 
fascinating matters of social structure, marriage, kinship, law and re- 
lated aspects of northwest coastal etlinography. These topics are well 
described by Kroeber (1925), Goddard (1903a, 1914b), Drucker (1937) and 
Curtis (1924). 


IV: Ethnohistorical Notes 

Patricia Parker Hickman and Michael Moratto 

The purpose of this chapter is not to duplicate the excellent syn- 
thetic history of Redwood National Park by Bearss (1969), nor is it pos- 
sible to introduce new primary data of the sort compiled in the regional 
studies by Coy (1929), Bledsoe (1881, 1885) and others, Rather, it is our 
intent to review the historical events which had a direct bearing upon the 
lives of California's north coast Indians. 

1542- The first voyage of exploration along the Alta California coast 
1603 occurred in 1542 under the command of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo. 
When Cabrillo died following an accident, his pilot, Bartolome 
Ferrelo, pressed on northward as far as the mouth of Rogue River. 
Because of the heavy storms encountered in early 1543, Ferrelo 
remained 70 or 80 miles offshore and made no contacts with the 
natives of far northern California. The next outsider to visit the 
area was Francis Drake. Although he closely skirted the Humboldt 
County coast in 1579, no landfall was attempted until he was much 
further south. In 1595 the Spanish Captain Cermeho piloted his 
Manila galleon San Agustm across the North Pacific to Trinidad 
Head, thence southward into Trinidad Bay and beyond. Fearing rocks, 
Cermefio did not anchor until he readied Drakes Bay. It was not 
until 1603 that an explorer's journal mentioned Indians. In that 
year Sebastian Vizcaino sailed northward as far as Lat. 43° and 
noted the presence of Indians in boats made of "pine and cedar" at 
a place which may have been the mouth of the Eel River. Hoping 
to entice the sailors to visit them upstream, the Indians are said 
to have offered acorns, nuts, fish and game (Coy 1929: 19-22; Bearss 
1969: 17-21; Palais 1958: 7). 

1775 More than 170 years after Vizcaino's voyage, two vessels under the 


command of Bruno de Heceta made their way up the Alta California 

coast. One of these ships, La Sonora, captained by Juan Francisco 
de la Bodege y Cuadra, put into Trinidad Bay and remained there 
from June 9th to 20th. Yurok Indian customs were noted, including 
the fact that iron implements were already in use (Curtis 1924: 
39-40; Palais 1958: 8; Coy 1929: 13-23; Bledsoe 1885: 50). 

1792- In April, 1792, the English Captain George Vancouver explored the 
1793 area around Cape Mendocino and returned the following year to look 
for Trinidad. His ships anchored in Trinidad Bay from May 2nd to 
5th, while his sailors spent two days on shore exploring and study- 
ing the natives (Palais 1958: 9; Bancroft 1890). 

1803- Between 1803 and 1805 the Russians reconnoitered the Humboldt County 
1808 coast with the ultimate objective of finding a location suitable for 
occupation. At about the same time, on May 11, 18 04, the American 
ship Lelia Byrd put into Trinidad Bay. Trade commenced with the 
local Indians, but as they grew more numerous Capt. William Shaler 
decided to weigh anchor before trouble developed. The following 
year, American Captain Jolinathan Winship arranged with Governor 
Baranov of Sitka to take 100 Aleuts on a sea otter hunting expedi- 
tion to California. Winship 's vessel, the O'Cain, appeared in 
Trinidad Bay on June 11, 1805, whereupon a vigorous trade in furs 
with the Indians was undertaken. As a conflict with the Indians 
began to materialize, Winship left Trinidad on June 22, but he 
continued to work the coastal otter colonies during the following 
years. In 1809, when the Russian Kuskov landed at Trinidad, lie 
found that the sea otter populations had been decimated and that 
the local Yurok villages were abandoned. (Palais 1958: 10; Bearss 
1969: 26-27; Coy 1929: 29). 

1817 In this year the British schooner Columbia arrived in Trinidad Bay. 
In active trading the sailors received furs, venison and berries in 
exchange for hoop iron cut into six-inch lengths. Notes on the 


(Yurok) Indians included the facts that their "daggers" were made 
of stone, the women wore fine "leather petticoats" and leather 
capes, shell ornaments were used to embellish the clothing and 
women were adorned with chin tatoos (Bearss 1969: 28), 

1828 Encumbered with a herd of 300 half-wild horses and mules, Jedediah 

Smith and his small band of mountain men became the first Caucasians 
to penetrate the redwood wilderness by an overland route. During 
their peregrinations, Smith and his men discovered the river that 
now bears his name and came to visit the plank lodges of the Ilupa 
on Trinity River. After exceedingly arduous trekking down to the 
Klamath, Smith induced some Yurok near Kepel, with gifts of razors 
and beads, to ferry the trappers across the river. About two weeks 
later, with his band near starvation, Smith purchased lamprey eels, 
mussels and other foods from enterprising Yurok traders on High 
Prairie Creek. The Indians later returned with dried fish, clams, 
"seagrass mixed with weeds" and blubber. Moving northward along 
the coast, Smith's party made camp at "Nec-Kah" near the mouth of 
Cushing Creek (probably Sxme or Tsiniyat Y a; see Chapter III). Press- 
ing northward to Elk Creek, Smith encountered Tolowa Indians, who 
supplied him with fish, clams, strawberries and camas roots. From 
the Elk Creek camp, Smith skirted Lake Earl and traveled along the 
coast until he reached the Umpqua River, where his company was 
drastically reduced by the Indians (Bearss 1969: 31-39; Palais 
1958: 11). 

1828- During the two decades following 1828 sporadic parties of fur trap- 
ES is pers entered northwest California. Among these were Alexander 

McCloud, Peter Ogden and Michael La Frambois, but the details con- 
cerning their routes through the region are vague. However, it is 
certain that a team of beaver hunters led by Ewing Young crossed 
the Eel River near Middle Fork and proceeded via Jed Smith's old 
trail northward into Oregon (Bearss 1969: 40-41). 


1848 Gold was reportedly discovered on the Trinity River and miners 
began to swarm into Trinity and Siskiyou counties; a convenient 
seaport near the diggings was being sought (Chase 1959: 16). 

1849 In this year a contingent of about 40 miners at Rich Bar on the 
Trinity River, finding themselves without sufficient food for the 
winter, decided to seek a route to the coast. Having heard Indian 
descriptions of a fine bay to the west, Dr. Josiah Gregg and seven 
companions struck out for the coast. Despite extreme hardships, 
Gregg's party made its way over Bald Hills, along the old Chilula 
trail across Redwood Creek (near The Tall Trees), down to the coast 
at the mouth of Little River and then up the coast as far as Big 
Lagoon. Turning southward, the expedition discovered and named Mad 
River, Eel River and other landmarks. Dealings with the Humboldt 
County Indians consisted primarily of minor trading for foodstuffs 
(Bledsoe 1885; Bearss 1969; Palais 1958). 

1850 Shortly after the discovery of gold on the Trinity River busy mining 
camps sprang up in the Klamath Mountains. With no white settlements 
between the Columbia River and Fort Ross, the interior populations 
were dependent upon the slow, expensive route up the Sacramento 
Valley for their supplies. It was clear that a coastal tie with 
the diggings was needed. Consequently, in March, 1850, 12 ships 

set out to rediscover Trinidad Bay and to seek a navigable river 

course to the interior. One of these vessels was the brig Cameo, 

which landed explorers at the mouth of the Klamath River and at 

Point Saint George. The Yurok and Tolowa at these landfalls met 

the visitors peacefully and received beads and other trinkets from 

them (Bledsoe 1885: 50; Palais 1958: 13). Less fortunate was the 

schooner Paragon, which ran aground in Crescent Bay (Chase 1859: 

16-17; Bledsoe 1881: 12). 

No lives were lost in the stranding of the Paragon 
but the crew and passengers spent several uneasy 
nights ashore, as the Tolowa were not overly friendly, 


as the occupants of a small boat, which had landed 
here several days before, had shot and killed an 
Indian. (Bearss 1969: 50) 

It was in 1850 that hostilities with the Indians became commonplace. 
Eight miles south of Happy Camp, for example, three persons were 
killed. The whites retaliated with the massacre of a large (uniden- 
tified) village of Indians (Bledsoe 1881: 9). In another incident, 
two whites were killed by Indians during the late summer 18 miles 
from Union. And when hostilities erupted near the forks of Salmon 
River white militants burned three villages and killed 50 to 60 
Indians (Coy 1929: 137). Notwithstanding these atrocities, many of 
the Indians and whites remained on good terms, with the former con- 
tinuing to aid the latter in times of need: 

Before Tarquin broke up in the pounding surf, sev- 
eral Yurok waded out to assist those aboard. The 
survivors were able to send a line ashore, which 
the Indians made fast to the rocks, and the crew 
and passengers were landed through the breakers, 
just before the ship broke up. (Bearss 1969: 52-53) 

1851 Because of their native laws proscribing conflicts, the Yurok 
and Tolowa were steadfastly reluctant to instigate hostilities. 
Tensions increased as hydraulic mining upstream silted the rivers 
and diminished the salmon runs. Then, in June, 1851, five settlers 
were killed near Trinidad and another four men were eliminated at 
Thompkins Ferry, 12 miles below Witchepec (Schulmeyer 1963: 321-324) 
Later, volunteers banded together and retaliated by attacking an 
Indian settlement and killing an elderly woman (Bancroft 1890: 486). 
In another clash, vigilantes from Yreka "avenged" the deaths of two 
prospectors by attacking local Shasta Indians and then moving into 
the upper Smith River drainage where four Tolowa were killed at a 
village of nine houses (Beckham 1971: 49; cf. King 1972: 6). The 
scattered deaths of other whites in 1851 also were followed by 
indiscriminate retaliation (Coy 1929: 137). 

In the spring of 1851 Captain McDermott led a party to the 
vicinity of French Hill to search for a legendary cabin and lost 


gold nine; their Cibola was never found. When McDermott's men 
ascended French Mill they saw before them the sweeping arc of 
Crescent Bay. The legend of the lost mine and McDermott's de- 
scription of the bay enticed later explorers into the area and 
ultimately led to the founding of Crescent City (Bledsoe 1881: 
12-14; Palais 1958: 26). 

From the standpoint of ethnohistory, the 1851 expedition of 
Indian Commissioner Redick McKee from Sonoma to the Oregon border 
is highly significant. Accompanied by 70 men, 140 mules and horses 
and 160 head of cattle, McKee marched northward by way of the south 
fork of the Eel River. On the lower Eel he proposed the establish- 
ment of an Indian reservation to extend from the mouth of the river 
13 miles up the coast to Cape Mendocino and 6 miles inland (Coy 
1929: 138-139). Closer to Redwood National Park, McKee arrived in 
Wiyot territory and persuaded most of the Indians to move away from 
white settlements. Before long, most of the Wiyot were concentrated 
on Gunther Island in Humboldt Bay (Loud 1918: 323; Schulmeyer 1963). 
McKee then moved north, where he found the Chilula Indians gathering 
acorns on a ridge west of Redwood Creek (Goddard 1914b: 267-268). 
Heizer's edition of George Gibbs' journal concerning McKee' s expedi- 
tion contains some excellent accounts of the Indians of far northern 

The grass (on the Bald Hills) is often burned (in 
the fall)... The men here surprised a party of 
Indians, who fled at sight, leaving their squaws 
and baskets to follow as best they could. These 
Bald Hills Indians, as they are called, have a 
very bad reputation among the packers, and several 
lives, as well as much property have been lost 
through their means. They appear to live a more 
roving life than those of the Klamath and Trinity 
Rivers.... It was the opinion of some... that each 
village (on the Klamath River) would average nine 
houses, of ten souls to the house; but this esti- 
mate, which would give a population of nearly 
three thousand, and a village to about every 
mile and a half on the river, seems clearly too 
large.... a very liberal conjecture of the number 
of inhabitants would be fifteen hundred.... 


Still less is known of the Indians north of the 
Klamath; but we were informed that the first tribe 
on the coast were a warlike band called Tol-e-wahs, 
of whom the Klamaths (i.e., the Yurok) stand in 
some awe. Above them on Smith's river are the 
Eenahs or Eenaghs, and on the head waters of that 
stream are the Sians or Siahs... With regard to 
their form of government (on the Klamath River)... 
the mow-ce-ma, or head of each family, is master 
of his own house, and there is a sci-as-lau, or 
chief in every village. There are also head chiefs 
to the different tribes; but whether their power 
has definite limits, is confined to peace or war, 
or extends to both, seems very doubtful. It is 
certainly insufficient to control the relations of 
the several villages. (Heizer 1972: 134, 138-140) 

Gibbs recorded a great many additional details of Yurok dress, 

customs, rituals, houses, crafts, etc. These data would be of 

great value to anyone conducting research into the mid-19th century 

status of the north coast Indians (cf. Heizer 1972, 1973; Gibbs 

1853). Of prime concern here, however, is the fact that McKee may 

have averted a full-scale war between the settlers and the native 

residents of the north coast. In October, 1851, a council was held 

at Durkee's Ferry. At this meeting McKee signed treaties with 

representatives of 24 Indian groups (presumably separate village 

clusters). The Chilula boycotted the council (Bearss 1969: 67). 

1852- In spite of the treaties, inter-cultural violence persisted. In 
1853 February, 1852, the Mattole Indians killed two men near the con- 
fluence of the Eel and Van Duzen rivers. The Wiyot were wrongly 
blamed for the deaths and in the same month a band of whites mur- 
dered 15 to 20 Wiyot people near Humboldt Bay and nearly 40 others 
at the mouth of Eel River (Coy 1929: 141; Loud 1918: 318-324; Schul- 
meyer 1963). Col. McKee denounced the cruelty of the whites in a 
letter to the governor, but state senators from the northern coun- 
ties were vigorously pressing for Indian removal as the best solu- 
tion to the "problem" (Coy 1929: 141). Pressure was brought to 
bear on Brig. Gen. E. A. Hitchcock to act in the matter. Two com- 
panies of the 4th U.S. Infantry were dispatched to Humboldt Bay in 


January, 1853, where they established a post to be called Fort 
Humboldt (Bearss 1969: 69; Coy 1929: 142). 

Following the discovery of Elk Valley in 1352 and the further 
reconnaissance of the Crescent Bay region, the town of Crescent 
City was laid out and construction was started (Bledsoe 1881: 15; 
Palais 1958; 27). The first building was erected by February, 
1853, and before the end of the year there were over a hundred 
houses in the town and homesteads along Smith River and Rowdy 
Creek (Bledsoe 1881; 17; Palais 1958: 27). 

Hostilities persisted. In 1853, three whites were killed 
in the neighborhood of Shannons Creek, presumably by Indians, and 
the Tolowa village of Hawunkwut (sic) on the nortli bank of the 
Smith River was destroyed by settlers (Curtis 1924; 229; Bledsoe 
1881; 20). 

At about this time the settlers organized a company of volun- 
teers to exterminate or deport the Redwood Creek Indians. The 
Chilula were deceived into gathering for a council, whereupon they 
were taken as prisoners to Humboldt Bay. From there the Indians 
were shipped to the Mendocino Reservation at Fort Bragg, where they 
were treated despicably. The Chilula managed to escape from their 
confines and started their 150-mile trek homeward. However, they 
were attacked by Lassik Indians on the Eel River near Fort Seward 
and only one or two Chilula escaped. When word of the massacre 
reached Redwood Creek, a band of about 70 Chilula and Whilkut armed 
themselves to retaliate; 

While camped near the site of Blocksburg they saw 
smoke to the east near the base of Lassik Peaks. 
Scouts sent out reported a large summer camp. This 
was surrounded about daybreak and the people killed 
without mercy, neither women or children being 
spared. Some of the Lassik took refuge under a 
log, where they were killed and remained unburied 
for many years... (Goddard 1914b: 269) 

1854- In November, 1885, an Indian named "Black Mow" (either Yurok or 
1855 Tolowa) reportedly killed a white farmer, A. French, a short dis- 
tance north of Crescent City. A team of vigilantes, led by J. M. 


Rosborough, discovered French's body and promptly arranged for a 
warrant to arrest Black Mow and two other Indians suspected of 
complicity in the murder. All three Indians were captured near the 
mouth of the Klamath and, on November 22, 1854, were hanged on 
Battery Point in Crescent City. When rumors of impending Indian 
revenge began to circulate, a committee of settlers visited the 
Tolowa village of Ye'ta / :kut_ and observed apparent preparations for 
a fight. On January 1, 1855, a local militia of "Klamath Rangers" 
attacked the village and killed 30 Indians. These hostilities 
were brought to a close with the signing of a treaty with the 
Smith River Indians (Bledsoe 1881: 28-31; Gould 1966b: 81-82). 

In January, 1855, war broke out along the Klamath. In antic- 
ipation of trouble, the miners began to cluster in larger settle- 
ments and the Indians sent their women and children into the moun- 
tains. On January 6, the miners held a meeting at Orleans Bar, at 
which they decided to disarm the Indians and to chastize any whites 
caught selling guns to the Indians. Renegade miners burned several 
villages and shamed Indian women. In retaliation, a band of Yurok 
and Karok swept down upon the diggings near Weitchpec and killed 
six whites. Because one of the Karok headmen wore a red cap, the 
collected series of incidents has become known as the Red Cap War. 
After the attack at Weitchpec a "Trinidad Volunteer Company" made 
several raids on the villages of the Lower Klamath River. Another 
unit of volunteer militiamen was led into an ambusli by their Yurok 
guides; 26 of the Indians were immediately condemned to death for 
treachery. Finally, a group of Yurok sympathetic with the whites 
was armed and ordered to track down and kill the hostile "Red Caps" 
(Coy 1929: 143-145; Bearss 1969: 72-77; Bledsoe 1885; Schulmeyer 
1963: 333-341). 

Open conflict was terminated, at least temporarily, when the 
Klamath River Indian Reservation was set aside by Superintendent T. 
Henley. As designed, the reservation was to cover a band 2 miles 
wide along the Klamath River for a distance of 20 miles above its 
mouth (Coy 1929; Bledsoe 1881: 35; Chase 1959). 

\ 5 

1856 By 1856 the Klamath Reservation boasted five log houses, 11 board 
or slab houses, ranch buildings, 30 Indian dwellings and garden 
plots. The 30 native houses belonged to an estimated 500 Tolowa 
who had been moved from the north. Approximately 100 Karok from 
Salmon River are said to have arrived in 1855, but they left be- 
cause there were no provisions or houses available (Kroeber 1925: 
9-10; Schulmeyer 1963: 348; Bledsoe 1881). It was also in 1856 
that fresh conflicts developed with the Chilula. Alarmed by rumors 
that the Chilula were preparing for combat, 20 settlers left Union 
Town for Redwood Creek, where they captured one Indian. They later 
killed seven Indians at a village about 27 miles from Union Town 
(Schulmeyer 1963: 345). 

In March, 1856, an uprising of Rogue River Indians caused much 
uneasiness around Crescent City. Rumors of killings and burnings 
caused the town's populace to congregate in brick buildings and to 
order soldiers to patrol Crescent City and the Smith River Valley 
(Bledsoe 1881: 40). 

1857 Lt. George Crook received orders to construct military facilities 
and chose Ter-Wah Flat as the site for "Fort Ter-wah" (Rogers 1947). 
On the morning of November 17, 1857, while the fort was being con- 
structed, a number of Tolowa and Chetco attempted to kill the Indian 
agent. Crook's forces subdued the Indians, killing 10 of them and 
wounding a number of others. Twenty-six men and a number of women 
and children were captured and forced to swear that they would 
remain on the reservation (Bearss 1959: 89). 

1858 Conditions on the Klamath Reservation continued to deteriorate fol- 
lowing the 1857 revolt. In his fall report for 1858 Special Interior 
Department Agent G. Bailey stated: 

At present the reservations are simple government 
almshouses, where an inconsiderable number of 
Indians are insufficiently fed and scantily clothed, 
at an expense wholly disproportionate to the benefit 
conferred. (Coy 1929: 154) 


Settlers complained bitterly that the Indians were not learning 

to farm and that they were assuming the roles of vagrants (Bledsoe 

1881: 60). 

Many of the Tolowa congregated in Crescent City. 
At nights they could be found everywhere. Drunken 
Indians were in the habit of sleeping in barns, 
sheds, and abandoned buildings. .. .Protests had 
been made, but the officials in charge of the 
reservation took no action. (Bearss 1969: 94; 
Bledsoe 1881: 61) 

By 1858 hostilities were brewing anew in the Bald Hills area. Raids 
were made by the Indians after the whites had slaughtered most of 
the game animals in the area and usurped the Indians' seed-bearing 
fields as pasturage for their cattle. On June 3, 1858, the Chilula 
killed a settler, W. Ross, with whom they had a grudge. Three com- 
panies of volunteers retaliated in battles fought at Grouse Creek, 
Iagua Buttes and Pardee's Ranch. Fighting continued until more 
than 100 Indians had been killed and 153 had been captured. The 
prisoners were sent to the Mendocino Reservation (Coy 1929: 146- 
150; Loud 1918: 319-321). 

1859 A Tolowa from Yontocket (sic) murdered another Indian from Smith 
River. The guilty party was taken by a contingent of Smith River 
Tolowa to Battery Point and there hung. The citizens of Crescent 
City stood by and watched (Bledsoe 1881: 61). 

1860 One of the most infamous atrocities committed by the whites against 
the Indians took place in this year. During the night of February 
25, 1860, five to seven white men slipped out to the Wiyot village 
on Gunther Island, armed with axes, hatchets and knives. The sleep- 
ing Indians were butchered fiendishly and their mutilated bodies 
strewn about the village. 

The wounded, dead and dying were found all around, 
and in every lodge the skulls and frames of women 
and children cleft with axes and hatchets, and 
stabbed with knives. . . Where is the good to come 
of these murders of 55 on Indian Island (Gunther 


Island), 58 on South Beach, 40 on South Fork of 
Eel River previously, and 35 subsequently on Eagle 
Prairie — 188 lives of human beings in all? (Loud 
1918: 331) 

Although many settlers were outraged by the massacre and public 
opinion as far away as San Francisco ran high against the murders, 
no legal action was taken. The many important details regarding 
the causes and events of the Gunther Island massacre are given by 
Loud (1918), Bledsoe (1885), Coy (1929) and Bearss (1969). After 
the killings, the surviving Wiyot were removed from the Humboldt 
Bay area to the Klamath Reservation. The Wiyot soon found reser- 
vation conditions to be intolerable and within three or four months 
small parties began to drift back to their old homes (Loud 1918; 
Coy 1929). 

1861- A tremendous flood struck the Klamath River during the winter of 

1862 1861-1862. Countless Yurok settlements along the river were washed 

away and the Indians were compelled to relocate in new, higher 

places (Waterman 1920: 204). This flood also covered every acre of 

arable land on the Klamath Reservation, destroyed 30 government 

buildings, demolished Fort Ter-wah (Terwer) and swept away crops, 

fencing, tools, hogs, fowl and cattle (Loud 1918: 336; Rogers 1947: 

2; Bledsoe 1881: 74). Following this catastrophic flood Fort Ter-wah 

and the Klamath Reservation were abandoned. In the spring of 1862 

a new reservation was established at the mouth of Smith River and 

Fort Lincoln was erected in Elk Valley (Bledsoe 1881: 75). The 

fort was garrisoned until 1867, with the official abandonment and 

sale of property in 1870 (Bledsoe 1881; Rogers 1947: 9). 

Regarding the Smith River Reservation, we have the following 

instructive notes from the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Northern 

District of California: 

Feb. 14, 1862: ...I at once removed one of the 
tribes, numbering between four and five hundred, 
and called the Humboldt Indians, from Klamath. 
These were so anxious to be removed that they 
actually travelled through snow, rain and mud 


barefooted, over a distance of forty miles... 
Aug. 18, 1862 ; I am now about to remove some 600 
or 700 Indians from Fort Humboldt to said valley 
(Smith River). ...How I am to provide shelter, 
food, and clothing for so many Indians... I cannot 
divine, except it be by a miracle. The poor crea- 
tures must suffer the ensuing winter, for the credit 
of the government is so impaired that I will not be 
able to procure further supplies. . .the Indians to 
be removed are destitute of clothing entirely. . . 
Oct. 10, 1862: Having very recently removed 840 
additional Indians from Fort Humboldt .. .there are 
now over 2,000 in the aggregate already upon the 
proposed reservation, and several hundred more col- 
lecting at Fort Humboldt who must be removed to the 
same locality at an early day... 

July IS, 1863: The unsettled condition of three- 
fourths or more of the Indians, who have been com- 
pelled to lie on the cold, damp ground... has caused 
disease and death in many instances. .. (cf. Loud 
1918: 336) 

Although hundreds of Indians were being removed to the reservation, 

others managed to elude capture or to slip away from their detention 

facility. Small-scale raiding continued, with attacks and killings 

in 1862 at Daby's Ferry, Oak Camp, Camp Anderson and Redwood Creek 

(Coy 1929: 172-175). 

1863- With the continuation of Indian raids into 1863, the white citizens 
1864 of the Humboldt Bay region formed six companies of volunteers to 
subdue hostile Indians. At the same time, militant Indians were 
organizing against those who were sympathetic with the whites. On 
April 11, 1863, for example, a group of Chilula from Bald Hills 
attacked Hr x gwr )W on Stone Lagoon and killed 10 Yurok there (Kroeber 
1925). The Chilula and Hoopa, expecting reprisals, erected four 
log forts in the Bald Hills area (Coy 1929; Goddard 1914b). Other 
clashes in 1863 included Indian attacks at Trinidad and Little 
River; a battle on Redwood Creek in which six Indians were killed 
and several whites were wounded, and the killing of two whites by 
Indians near Areata (Coy 1929). Finally, Col. H. M. Black was 
ordered to "make a clean sweep of rascally Indians." A tireless 


soldier, Black pursued Indians in all parts of the region through- 
out 1864 and had taken roughly 350 Indians captive by January of 
1865 (Coy 1929: 189-191). 

Post By 1870 Fort Lincoln and Smith River Reservation were abandoned and 
1864 the Indians removed to Hoopa and Round Valley (Coy 1929: 192-194; 
Bledsoe 1881: 75). Although there were occasional clashes between 
the settlers and the Indians between 1865 and 1871, the former date 
marks the end of significant hostilities between the cultures in 
the Redwood National Park area. 


V: Previous Archeological Research in Northwest California 

Early Studies 

A widespread interest in the antiquities of northwest California 
was generated early by the publication of articles describing shellmounds 
and archeological collections from the area (cf. Ilason 1389; Morehead 
1900; MacLean 1884). Some digging was undertaken by avocational collec- 
tors during the turn-of-the-century era, but the earliest scientific work 
was L. L. Loud's (1918) reconnaissance and description of 115 shellmounds 
in historic Wiyot territory (Map 1). As part of his research, Loud exca- 
vated a large trench in Hum-67, a prominent midden on Cunt her Island in 
Humboldt Bay. This digging brought to light rich evidence of prehistoric 
affiliation with regions to the north (i.e., the greater Northwest Coast 
Culture Area) in the form of Dental ium shells, bone and antler harpoon 
points and a full inventory of woodworking devices, such as mauls, adzes 
and wedges. Traits apparently unique to coastal northern California, 
especially ground stone "slave killers" (zoomorphs) and ceremonial "blades" 
of chipped flint or obsidian, also were uncovered (Loud 1918). 

The Gunther Island site also produced six dorsally-extended inhuma- 
tions and 16 cremations, the latter being stratigraphically lower. Re- 
lying upon stratigraphy and the character of surface vegetation, Loud 
estimated a maximum age of 1500 years for Hum-67 (Loud 1918:350). This 
estimate was essentially substantiated by a radiocarbon date of 1050 + 
200 RC yr: AD 900, determined from charcoal collected from the midden 
base many years after the original excavation (Elsasser and Heizer 1966). 

The most extensive digging at Hum-67 was done by an avocational arche- 
ologist. During the three decades after 1918, II. H. Stuart, a Eureka den- 
tist, excavated some 382 graves; records were kept on only 142 of these. 
When R. F. Heizer and A. B. Llsasser examined the Stuart materials they 
found that most of the artifacts could not be confidently assigned to 
specific grave lots. Notwithstanding these limitations, Stuart's collec- 
tion represents an important addition to the corpus of data regarding 
north coast prehistory. Among the artifacts which Stuart recovered from 
the Hum-67 cemetery (Fig. 1) were at least 50 red and black obsidian blades 






A. Baked Clay Figurine 

B. Bone Harpoon Point 

C. Slate Object (Knife?) 

D. Slate Zooform Club 

Figure 1: Artifacts from the Gunther Island site, 
Hum-67 (after Heizer and Elsasser 1964). 


(up to 20 inches long), "Gunther-barbed" arrow points, mauls, flanged and 
offset pestles, grooved and notched sinkers, stone bowls, zooform clubs 
("slave killers"), baked clay figurines, antler and bone wedges, bone and 
antler harpoons, bone hairpins and head-scratchers, and a variety of shell 
ornaments (Heizer and Elsasser 1964: 24-33). 

Research in the Yurok Area 

Archeological attention was again directed to the northwest corner of 
the state in 1948, when University of California crews, directed by Heizer, 
excavated about 80% of the Patricks Point site, Hum-118. Sixteen years 
later, in 1964, Elsasser secured charcoal samples from the lowest levels 
of Hum-118. These gave radiocarbon ages of 64 +_ 90 RC yr: AD 1310 
(GX0181) and 545 + 115 RC yr: AD 1405 (GX0182). In their report on this 
site Elsasser and Heizer drew attention to the remarkable similarity be- 
tween the assemblage from Hum-118 (Fig. 2 and 3) and that from Hum-67. 
They summarized as follows: 

If we assume that the deposit represents a steady accretion of 
living refuse over the years, essentially in one spot, we are 
faced with the picture of a fairly uniform group, possibly com- 
posed of several allied families and their descendents, being 
responsible for the midden deposit from bottom to top. In the 
limited amount of soil deposit below the 12 foot depth were 
found only pebble choppers and scrapers, but immediately above 
that depth appear elements diagnostic of northwestern California 
prehistoric culture, such as elk antler wedges, notched sinkers, 
bell-shaped mauls, zoomorphic clubs (or miniatures of these), 
evidences of simple harpoons in the form of bone or antler tips, 
and two types of projectile points, both thought to have been 
used in connection with simple harpoons. Between the latter 
depth and the 72 inch level, which should be designated the 
effective midpoint of the deposit, most of the other important 
archeological elements of northwestern California are seen to 
emerge. These include probable arrow points, grooved sinkers, 
flanged and unflanged pestles, artifacts of slate, toggle har- 
poon spurs, tubular steatite pipes, stone adze handles, stea- 
tite dishes, bone head scratchers, and bone awls and f lakers. 
Above 72 inches, new increments to the site seem to decrease 
in number, with only miniature obsidian blades, bone gouges, 
worked sea lion teeth, and stone acorn anvils appearing for 
the first time, all below the 30 inch level.... In addition to 
a limited number of historic artifacts (e.g., bottle glass 
fragments and glass beads) in the upper 30 inches of deposit, 


3 cm 


Figure 2: Steatite vessel and stone fishnet 
sinkers from the Patricks Point site, 
Hun-118 (from F.lsasser and Heizer 1966). 


i a 


**' ■••.!'• \ 

J.I -» • * 






I 1 : | ! J 


a.-c. Decorated head 

d.~e. Perforated deer or elk 


f. Perforated needle frag- 

g. Bird bone whistle frag- 

h. Bone fishhook 
i.-k. Simple harpoon tips 

5 cm . 

Figure 3: Bone and antler artifacts from the Patricks 
Point site, Hun- 118 (from Elsasser and Heizer 1966). 


aboriginal types of artifacts such as the barbed (and slotted) 
arrow foreshaft, bone whistles, "C"-shaped fishhooks, and bone 
needles were found to be confined in or near the upper portion. 
(Elsasser and Heizer 1966: 55-56) 

Observing that Hum-118 apparently was not a major village, these writ- 
ers concluded that much of the northwest California culture pattern had 
already been established by the time the site was first settled. It was 
further suggested that, while IIum-67 was probably first occupied somewhat 
earlier than Hum-118, the peoples of Gunther Island and Patricks Point must 
have had contacts with each other in prehistoric times. Their respective 
manners of living would have differed only in detail, in spite of the fact 
that Hum-67 seems to have been a major village, whereas Hum-118 was most 
likely an intensively-used seasonal camp spot (Elsasser and Heizer 1966: 

Under the direction variously of Heizer, J. E. Mil 1 s and F. Fenenga, 
University of California archeologists returned to the northwest coast in 
1949. Excavations in that year at the Yurok site of Tsurai (Hum-169) on 
Trinidad Bay produced over 3300 artifacts, many of which were ascribable 
to the historic period. Using historical documents in conjunction with 
archeological discoveries, Heizer and Mills (1952, n.d.) separated the 
culture sequence into four periods: (1) Prehistoric, AD 1620-1775; (2) 
Discovery and Exploration, AD 1775-1800; (3) Exploitation and the Fur 
Trade, AD 1800-1849, and (4) Decline and Fall: The American Invasion, 
AD 1850-1916. 

Unlike the Patricks Point site, but akin to Hum-67 on Gunther Island, 
Tsurai was evidently a substantial and important village. Because excava- 
tions were not permitted in the cemetery areas, however, nothing is known 
of the mortuary customs at Hum-169 and no comparisons can be made with the 
pattern at Gunther Island. The artifacts (Fig. 4), on the other hand, are 
quite amenable to comparative study. Observing that the lower cultural 
deposits at Hum-169 are most similar to the "middle levels" at Gunther 
Island and Patricks Point, Elsasser and Heizer (1966) postulated a termi- 
nal prehistoric date (AD 1620?) for Tsurai' s earliest habitation; 

The lower five feet of the Hum-169 deposit .. .show. . .the begin- 
ning finds of what we have come to recognize as matrix elements 
in prehistoric northwestern California culture: stone projec- 


Figure 4: Stone adze handle and steatite vessels 
from Tsurai, Hum- 169 (from F.lsasser and lleizer 1966) 


tile points for simple harpoons; pebble choppers; flake scrapers; 
chipped blades of chert; steatite vessels (grease catchers); 
simple pestles; side-notched sinkers; (decorative) objects of 
slate; bone and antler simple and composit harpoons; antler 
wedges; bone flakers and awls; and bone whistles. .. .Above the 
72 inch depth... are encountered for the first time additional 
matrix traits: bone gouges, needles, bipointed pins, and beads; 
unshaped hammerstones; offset pestles; slab mortars; slate clubs; 
and stone drills. Flanged pestles and stone adze handles in the 
36 to 48 inch level and bell -shaped mauls in the 48 to 60 inch 
level are included in the latter category. .. .The curved bone 
fishhook found in the 60 to 72 inch level probably corresponds 
to the similar specimens found in the upper levels of the 
Patricks Point site. (Elsasser and Heizer 1966: 100). 

The uppermost levels of Mum-169 yielded a variety of artifacts which 
were virtually identical to those used by the historic Yurok: steatite 
pipe inserts, elk horn spoons, barbed bone spear points, bone and antler 
netting shuttles, a wooden pillow, pine nut and Olivella beads and Haliotis 
ornaments. Conspicuously absent in the Tsurai assemblage were zoomorphic 
clubs, ceremonial obsidian "blades" and Dentalium shells. While these 
valuable artifacts may have been present at the site in cemetery contexts, 
it is quite possible that such wealth items were covetously passed on from 
generation to generation, without ever being lost or discarded into the 
accumulating midden. The archeological absence of these artifacts notwith- 
standing, Tsurai was shown to have been a major Yurok settlement during 
the three centuries preceding AD 1916 (Elsasser and Heizer 1966: 100-102). 

Late in the summer of 1949 University of California fieldworkers 

discovered and investigated an apparent Yurok ceremonial site (Hum- 174) at 

offshore Cone Rock south of Patricks Point. 

Visible on the surface were not fewer than 67 partial or com- 
plete sea lion skulls, and minor excavations showed that the 
6000 square feet of surface of the west slope of the rock with 
a soil cover about 18 inches deep contained large numbers of 
additional skulls. We would estimate that the number of skulls 
might run to 1000 or more. No sea lion long bones, mandibles, 
or vertebrae were found, and it is clear that the skulls alone 
were brought and left by the Indians. (Heizer 1951a: 1) 

From this evidence it was inferred that Hum-174 functioned as a sacred 

place for the ritual disposal of sea lion crania (Heizer 1951a). 

Thus by 1949 researchers from the University of California had com- 


pleted thorough investigations of several sites in Wiyot and Yurok terri- 
tory. The 1948 and 1949 seasons resulted in the recording of scores of 
sites in Humboldt County and the archeological sampling of about 10 of 
these. Finally, this work provided for the establishment of a tentative 
sequence of prehistoric cultural development in north coast California 
(Mills 1950; Heizer and Elsasser 1964; Elsasser and Heizer 1966). 

Research in the To Iowa Area 

Fifteen years intervened between the digging at Tsurai and the next 
full-scale field project in far northwest California. During the late 
summer of 1964 R. A. Gould, of the University of California at Berkeley, 
excavated four large trendies at the Point Saint George site (DNo-11). 
Formerly the Tolowa village of T^ayi^a^te, the midden cluster at DNo-11 
is the largest prehistoric deposit on California's north coast. 

Through ethnographic research and archeological sampling, Gould de- 
fined three separate activity areas at this site: (1) a habitation area, 
(2) a cemetery (not excavated, but located on the basis of Indian accounts) 
and (3) a place where flint was chipped and where sea mammals, fish and 
shellfish were processed before they were brought to the residential area 
(Gould 1966). Two sequential components were identified at DNo-11. The 
first of these, "Point Saint George-1," reflects a limited settlement, 
where flint knapping apparently was the chief economic venture: 

The nature of the association in the excavated parts of this 
area strongly suggests that the collecting and chipping of 
flint was the only important activity for the people who 
lived here. Evidence of food remains was scanty in these 
levels, indicating little interest in the abundant marine 
fauna at the point. Also, there is no conclusive evidence 
of any technology associated with the gathering and prepara- 
tion of acorns. Bone tools, woodworking tools, and fishing 
equipment were all absent. The only important items that 
were present besides cl\i 1 ped stone tools were pieces of red 
clay (Hematite) and occasional fragments of smooth rock that 
showed the stains of this clay. It is interesting, too, to 
note the probable structural use of whalebone in the flint- 
chipping workshop structure. 

In the absence of more evidence than this, it is easy 
to speculate. It may be that the first human occupation of 
this part of the northwestern California coastline came as a 


response to the discovery that large quantities of excellent 
natural flint were to be found along the beaches surrounding 
the point. This may have been only a small camp which was 
occupied by people from the interior who came here when they 
needed this important raw material. Or perhaps this was the 
end of a long trade route with the interior, where flint was 
traded inland in exchange for hematite and obsidian. But these 
are speculations, of course, and more evidence will be needed 
before a truly adequate interpretation is possible. (Gould 
1966a: 87-88) 

In sharp contrast with this early component, "Point Saint George-2" 
represents an exceptionally large, late prehistoric village of marine- 
adapted peoples ancestral to the historic Tolowa. Especially abundant 
in the subsistence refuse of this component were the remains of cormo- 
rants, stellar sea lions and a variety of molluscs. Of particular inter- 
est is the fact that 17 species of fish were represented in the faunal 

The most numerous remains are those of the turkey-red rockfish, 
the black rockfish, the cabezon, the Pacific halibut, and the 
vermilion rockfish. The presence of remains of the turkey-red 
rockfish and the vermilion rockfish is noteworthy. These spe- 
cies occur in water thirty fathoms or more in depth, over rocky 
bottom. Such conditions are found in the vicinity of Northwest 
Seal Rock..., some six and one-half miles off Point Saint George 
(Gould 1966a: 85). 

Augmenting these archeological findings was native testimony describ- 
ing a seasonal pattern of inland exploitation, in addition to the marine 
and littoral hunting, collecting and fishing at DNo-11. From early to 
late fall foraging parties fished for smelt near Lake Talawa (the western 
arm of Lake Earl), then shifted camp to Mill Creek for the acorn harvest 
and salmon run and finally returned to the village at the point with 
foodstuffs to be stored for winter use (Gould 1966a, 1966b). 

During Point Saint George-2 times subsistence economics must have 
been squarely focused upon the sea and shore for the remainder of the 
year, as judged from the surviving artifacts: large and small grooved or 
notched stone net weights, bone and antler harpoon tips (Plate III), chipped 
stone points for slot-end harpoon tips, bipointed and composite bone fish- 
hooks and bone net mesh gauges. Noting that the archeological record 
contained no clear evidence of historic period contacts and considering 



"' 'I 01 6 K L 

;» s i s: 

Plate III. Bone harpoon points from the Point Saint George site (4-DNo- 

11): (above) part of a single grave lot discovered in 1958; (below) 

miscellaneous harpoon types from various levels of the midden. 



'iiJftiiiiiliiiiiiJT s ' E 


oral traditions to the effect that Point Saint George had been depopulated 
by a lethal epidemic, Gould suggests that DNo-11 may have been swept by 
cholera before acculturative effects were felt (Gould 1966a: 94-97). 

After the publication of his report, Gould submitted a charcoal sample 
(from a cluster of hearths near the bottom of the site) for radiocarbon 
dating. The resultant age of 2260 +_ 210 RC yr: 310 BC (1-4006) is strongly 
supportive of Gould's hypothesis. Furthermore, this is the earliest avail- 
able date for any site in northwestern California or southwestern Oregon 
(Buckley and Willis 1970: 116). 

Gould (1972: 42) summarized the chronometric data for the northwest 

region as follows: 

As summarized by Heizer (1964: 132-133), there are radiocarbon 
dates for site Cs-23 on the lower Coquille River, Oregon, and 
the base of Gunther Island (Hum-67) at Humboldt Bay, California, 
of 350 and 1050 years, respectively. There is an estimated date 
of 1620 AD for the Tsurai site CHum-169) at Trinidad Bay, Cali- 
fornia... and further along the Oregon coast there are three 
radiocarbon dates from site Ti-1 of 150, 280 and 500 years. 
More recently, there is a radiocarbon date of about 1310 AD 
for the early levels of Hum-118, a site excavated at Patricks 
Point, California (Elsasser and Heizer 1966: 103). A compar- 
ison of artifact assemblages shows that there are close resem- 
blances between the materials from Gunther Island (Loud 1918; 
Heizer and Elsasser 1964), Patricks Point, and Tsurai (Heizer 
and Mills 1952) and the Point Saint George-2 occupation. Com- 
parative as well as stratigraphic evidence supports the idea 
of a relatively late date for Point Saint George-2. 

Although Gould was not aware of it, J. E. Moratto and I had dug at 
DNo-11 intermittently between 1955 and 1960 (Moratto 1960). As youthful 
avocationals, we undoubtedly recorded our finds poorly and failed to rec- 
ognize many subtle artifacts and features. Nonetheless, some of our find- 
ings would modify certain of Gould's (1966a) interpretations. For example, 
we found evidence of a limited historic-era settlement on the southern 
extremity of the site. Localized near Gould's later Trench 2 (1966a: IS) 
were lumps of fused green glass, a blue glass bead (Plate IV) and two small 
rectangular copper sheets, each perforated near the end (Moratto 1960). 
Similar objects were in fact also discovered by Gould in 1964, but these 
were not reported in 1966 because they had come from disturbed contexts 
and their relationships to the aboriginal strata could not be clearly 




W I 9 fi 

Plate IV. Various artifacts from the Point Saint George site (4-DNo- 

11): (above) bone needles, awls and other pointed implements; (below) 

blue glass trade bead, ceramic pipe stem fragment, lump of fused green 

glass, two conical steatite pipe sections, two copper rectangles and 

two bilaterally chipped stone fishnet sinkers. 


"i ii oi <; 



established (R. Gould 1972: personal communication). 

Also, and possibly contrary to the ethnographic assertion that the 
T^ ayi^a^te cemetery was located some distance south of the habitation 
area, our early work uncovered five inhumations on the point of land 
immediately north of Gould's Trench 3 (1966a: 18). One of these was a 
badly disarticulated (vandalized ?) secondary interment, two were dorsally- 
extended burials without grave goods and one dorsal ly-ext ended individual 
was accompanied by a large Haliotis gorget at the throat. The last burial 
was also extended on its back, but with notable associations: remnants of 
a redwood grave liner were found to the sides, a massive cairn of large 
boulders was piled over the body and eight slot-end, double-barbed bone 
harpoon points had been placed over the chest and upper arms (Moratto 
1960). At least in general configuration, these burials appear similar to 
the ones discovered by Loud (1918) in the upper levels of the Gunther 
Island site. It is unlikely that additional data pertaining to mortuary 
practices in north coastal California will be forthcoming in the near 
future, since responsible archeologists have agreed to respect Indian 
sentiments by avoiding all graves. 

Other Recent Work in the Northwest Area 

No large-scale excavations have been attempted in northwest California 
since Gould's work at DNo-11, but several reconnaissance and testing pro- 
jects have been completed. In 1969, 15 sites were located by E. Ritter 
during his survey of Prairie Creek, Del Norte Coast Redwoods and Jedediah 
Smith state parks (Ritter 1969) . Another survey had been undertaken three 
years earlier by Ostrovsky in the deep Eel River canyon south of Eureka. 
Aerial photos and first-hand reconnaissance by railroad showed excessive 
flood damage and little promise of sites in the rugged terrain (Ostrovsky 

In 1970 D. Wood, M. Mannion and I reconnoitered the Dry Lagoon and 
Stone Lagoon areas of Dry Lagoon State Park (an area to be incorporated by 
Redwood National Park) . Much of our time was spent screening the backdirt 
of countless looters' pits at Tsahpek^, Hum-129. Now virtually destroyed 
by vandals and bottle-hunters, Tsahpek w was once the third-largest of all 


Yurok coastal villages (Kroeber 1925). Without opening any new units, 
nearly 1000 artifacts were recovered through surface collecting and back- 
filling during the salvage and stabilization effort at Tsahpek w . Repre- 
sented among the artifacts were (1) items of native (prehistoric ?) manu- 
facture, (2) Caucasian-made goods and (3) Caucasian artifacts with native 
modifications (see Chapter VI). The inventory includes concave-base tri- 
angular projectile points of chert or bottle glass, finely-made triangular 
barbed arrow points of chert or obsidian, notched stone net weights, ste- 
atite vessels (grease catchers), an incised ivory cylinder, sandstone 
arrow shaft planes, double-barbed bone harpoon tips, bone and Haliotis 
ornaments, simple pestles, heavy percussion-flaked stone choppers, elk 
antler wedges, glass bottles and jars, ironware receptacles and plates, a 
percussion-lock rifle, wagon parts and numerous other historic and late 
prehistoric items. In conjunction with structural remains, this assem- 
blage provides a detailed record of Yurok acculturation from the terminal 
pre-contact period until early in the 20th century (Moratto 1970, 1971b). 

Another recent project in northwestern California was the location of 
12 sites along the Mad River system within the proposed take-area of Butler 
Valley Reservoir (Ostrovsky and Schenk 1966). This Butler Valley survey 
is notable as the only archeological project ever undertaken in the terri- 
tory of the little-known Whilkut Indians (cf. Kroeber 1925). 

More recently, T. F. King, W. Henn and R. Melander completed an arche- 
ological survey of the Highway 199 corridor along Smith River, east of 
Crescent City, to a point about 5 miles south of the Oregon border. Useful 
data regarding more than 30 historic and prehistoric sites in the area were 
presented in the resultant Environmental Impact Report to the State Division 
of Highways (King 1972). 

To summarize the work in coastal northern California, only four sites-- 
Hum-67, Hum-118, Hum-lt>9 and JNo-ll--have been significantly investigated 
by archeologists; perhaps a dozen others, including IIum-174 (Ileizer 1951a), 
Hum-129 (see Chapter VI) and DNo-14 (see Chapter VI), have been tested. 
Even less work lias been attempted in interior northwest California. 
Wallace and Taylor (1952) excavated a late prehistoric-historic (Achomawi 
?) rock shelter in Siskiyou County. Two seasons of reconnaissance and 


digging in tenth-century and younger Wintu sites along the Trinity River 
(Map 1) were completed by Treganza (1958b, 1959) and Leonhardy unearthed 
three 15th to 17th century housepits in a Klamath River village within 
Irongate Reservoir (Leonhardy 1967). Another project in this region was 
survey of the Klamath River between Happy Camp and Bluff Creek by students 
from Michigan State University, directed by Joseph and Kerry Chart - 
koff. As much as 80% of the previously-known Karok sites along this stretch 
of the river were found to have been destroyed by logging operations and 
recent floods (Don Miller 1972: personal communication). As part of the 
Michigan project, excavations were conducted at the May site ( ?Asapitvu- 
nup ) in western Siskiyou County at the Karok-Shasta border. The May site 
produced king and silver salmon remains and nearly 500 artifacts, includ- 
ing "Gunther-barbed" arrow points (cf. Dotta 1967), a mica pendant and 
retouched milky quartz and obsidian flakes; no structural remains were 
found. It was concluded that the May site appeared to be a late-period, 
two-component riverine habitation site (Chartkoff and Chartkoff 1973) . 

Similarly, extreme southwest Oregon has witnessed few archeological 
projects of any consequence. Not far north of the California line were 
the salvage excavations at Chetleshin on Pistol River (Helfin 1966) and 
Berreman's (1944) work at the Lone Ranch site on the Chetco River. Other 
work in the area is mentioned in synopsis by Henn (Cf. King 1972: 5): 

While southwest Oregon in general and the Rogue River Basin in 
particular have never been the focus of intensive archeological 
exploration, sufficient work has been done to indicate that the 
area has considerable archaeological potential. On the lower 
Rogue, Berreman (1935) recorded several sites in the vicinity 
of the junction of the Illinois River and Shasta Costa Creek, 
and a recent survey of the lower Illinois has located four sites 
(Cole 1965a). Somewhat to the east..., Cressman (1933) has re- 
ported excavation of 22 burials, many with elaborate grave goods, 
near Gold Hill, and surveys and minor excavations have been con- 
ducted on Willow Creek, Bear Creek, Snider Creek, and Emigrant 
Reservoir (Henn 1972). On the upper Rogue near Elk and Lost 
Creeks several sites have been reported (Cole 1965b) , and pre- 
liminary analysis of excavation data suggests considerable 
antiquity for local human occupation (Davis 1968). Nearer to 
the project area, relatively brief surveys along the Applegate 
River (llendrickson 1967) and on Sucker Creek (Cole 1965b) have 
revealed no archaeological sites. 


Summary of Previous Archeological Research 

Archeologists have investigated many site locations in northwest 
California and southwest Oregon, but only a few of these have been exca- 
vated thoroughly. Most of the studied sites are on the coast, with the 
remainder being situated along the predominant inland watercourses. There 
has never been a significant archeolgoical excavation within the proposed 
boundaries of Redwood National Park. Sites Hum-118, Hum-169 and Hum-67 
are not far to the south and DNo-11 is only a few miles north. Of the 
sites within the park, only Hum-129 and DNo-14 have been sampled even 
slightly (see Chapter VI). 

Excepting the lower component of 4-DNo-ll, all of the excavated coastal 
sites reflect the activities of societies fully adapted to a littoral- 
maritime environment. Again with the possible exclusion of lower DNo-11, 
none of these sites has produced evidence of significant culture change or 
population replacement during the prehistoric period. Furthermore, none 
of the deposits is truly ancient. Aside from the date of 310 BC for Point 
Saint George-1 (Gould 1972), all of the deposits were accumulated during 
the millennium following AD 900. These observations suggest that the 
coastal strip extending 100 miles or more north of Humboldt Bay was scarce- 
ly inhabited until maritime-littoral preadapted peoples from elsewhere 
settled there around 1100 years ago. 

Concomitantly, there are improbable elements of this hypothesis. 
Considering (1) the wealth of natural resources in the northwest, (2) 
the mild climate, (3) the easy coastal or riverine access to the area and 
(4) the known presence of people in the more easterly Klamath Basin as 
early as 5750 + 130 RC yr ago (GaK-1840; cf. Johnson 1969), the "sudden" 
appearance of coastal villages after AD 900 is a highly suspect proposi- 
tion. It is remarkable that earlier archeological components have not 
been discovered on the coast and in the western Klamath Mountains. One 
possible explanation would be the chronic flooding of river terraces and 
the active erosion of coastal bluffs. My own observations along Redwood 
Creek have shown very deep silt accumulations over historic structures. 
Waterman (1920: 204) has reported that a severe flood in 1862 destroyed 
countless Yurok villages and forced their relocation on higher terraces 


along the Klamath River. Although such factors may have obliterated a 
great many northwestern sites, additional fieldwork should result in the 
discovery of at least a few "early" sites in protected places. Plainly, 
while important preliminary work lias been done, the fundamental problems 
in the archeology of northwest California are still to be defined and 


VI: Archeological Sampling within Redwood National Park 

Given here are summary data concerning the only two archeological 
sites within Redwood National Park which have been tested by archeolo- 
gists: the Enderts Beach site (DNo-14) near Crescent City and the Stone 
Lagoon site (Hum-129) in Dry Lagoon State Park. Since full reports re- 
garding these sites have been published, only the most cursory synopsis 
will be presented here (cf. Moratto 1972). 

The Enderts Beach Site 

Ethnographic data regarding this site were obtained from published 
sources (Gould 1966; Drucker 1937; Waterman 1925) and from Amelia Brown, 
a Tolowa informant who lias lived more than a century in coastal northern 
California. Archeological excavations completed during August, 1972, by 
Tom Jackson and me provided additional information. 

There is in the literature some ambiguity concerning the Tolowa name 
for the Enderts Beach site. The matter is evaluated in my earlier paper 
(Moratto 1972: 22), witli the conclusion that Tsiniyate best approximates 
the Native usage. 

Description of DNo-14 . The archeological midden is found mainly in three 
places, which were arbitrarily termed "Bluff," "Eastern Terrace" and 
"Western Terrace." Modifications of the original midden, in the forms of 
erosion, road-building and leveling, have occurred in recent times. 

The location of DNo-14 offers an excellent vantage for viewing sea 
lions among the offshore rocks or for locating schools of smelt by the 
antics of diving pelicans. Looking up the beach, the ancient residents of 
Ts in iyatk might have seen the smoke of distant villages near Crescent City, 
but nearby Sxme ? would have been hidden by an intervening promontory. 

The selection of TsiniYat'e as a habitation site was probably based 
on several factors. Aside from the commanding view, the location offers 
superb smelt-fishing, the fresh water of Nickel Creek, easy beach ac- 
cess, ample firewood and close proximity to conifers for making canoes or 
houses. Beach cobbles near the site include sandstone for cooking rocks, 


tough metamorphics which could be fashioned into choppers, mauls or axes, 
and nodules of chert and agate amenable to controlled flaking. Other 
advantages are the abundant marine, littoral and terrestrial plants and 
animals in the vicinity (cf. Moratto 1972: 26-28). 

Archeological Sampling . Richard A. Gould first tested DNo-14 with a single 
3x3 foot unit in 1964. Placed on the northwestern edge of the bluff, 
this sondage was dug to a depth of more than 4 feet without exposing sig- 
nificant features or stratigraphy (Gould 1972: personal communication). 
Three additional units, one 2x2 meters and two 1x2 meters, were exca- 
vated in August, 1972, by Jackson and me. These units were placed toward 
the northern and southern edges of the bluff midden. Excavation methods 
and research objectives were discussed in my earlier report (Moratto 1972: 

Cultural Remains . Strata, or at least lenses, of cultural material were 
clearly visible in our profiles at DNo-14. Of the notable features en- 
countered, mention should be made of two shellfish and bone dumps and a 
housefloor. The latter, with associated hearth and artifacts, came to 
light in the 20-40 cm level of Unit 1. The floor was a patchy affair of 
compacted earth and powdered shell, which could be traced through most of 
the unit (cf. Moratto 1972: Fig. 2). Above the floor the midden contained 
an abundance of fire-cracked rock, fish and mammal bones and 10 artifacts. 
Resting on the floor in the eastern half of the unit was a circular hearth 
made of seven large (and many smaller) stones with ample evidence of heat 
fracturing. Large lumps of charcoal were discovered at the base of the 
hearth. Both the floor and hearth correspond with Gould's (1966a: 23) 
description of historic Tolowa indoor cooking places. 

Among the artifacts discovered at DNo-14 (Plates V and VI) were trian- 
gular and lanceolate arrow points, large triangular chert points, a small 
chert drill, heavy chert knives, cobble choppers, chert cores, pecked 
stone sinkers, a tobacco pipe fragment, a whetstone, red ochre, antler 
wedges, bone harpoon points, curved single-piece bone fishhooks, bone 
needles, bone tube fragments and other functionally-indeterminate objects 


k * I ♦ ♦ * I 

witili!il.l.lilliilliliiiliiin!' b ihldiraihhkilifiltlililiitlilihfilitililililiiltlibttli^lil C ° ililililililtlil 

Plate V. Stone artifacts from Del Norte County sites: (above) projectile 
points and large bifaces (knives?) of chert and obsidian from 4-DNo-14; 
(below) pecked, full-grooved fishnet sinker stones from 4-DNo-ll. 

"> n in 



( £ 


r, n 

IV 20 2 1 22 1J J 4 3IB 2«S 27 2* 2» SO 



Plate VI. Bone and antler artifacts from the Enderts Beach site (4-DNo-14) ; 

(above, top row) four bone fishhook fragments and a bit of incised bone; 

(bottom row) bone harpoon fragment, needle eye and three artifacts of ground 

and polished bone; (below) antler wedge fragment with deep transverse grooves. 

"-. 2 J ...,..,„,, ,2 ,., I „ ,. £ ,„ ,. „ 2, 22 2, 2. » 2. 2, » 2. . 

ImiIiIiIiIiIiIiiLiLIiIiP 1 L tlllllllhllllfllllllllll C 


of bone (cf. Moratto 1972: 32-37, Figs. 3-5). 

Lithic and Faunal Remains . Quantitative studies of midden constituents 
from DNo-14 showed that chert was easily the most common silicate in use. 
This presumably is a function of availability, since nodules of good- 
quality red, gray, green, brown and blue-gray chert frequently occur in 
beach gravels near the site. Furthermore, the presence of surf -worn cor- 
tex on many of the archeological specimens confirms the local source. 
Obsidian, on the other hand, does not occur locally and must have been ac- 
quired by coastal peoples through trade. X-ray fluorescence analysis of 
trace elements in obsidian recovered at DNo-14 shows that the source was 
probably Glass Mountain or Medicine Lake: 

The results of the X-ray fluorescence analysis of the 10 obsid- 
ian specimens from DNo-14 indicate that the obsidian falls well 
within the range of variation of the chemical attributes (i.e., 
for the RB, SR, Y, ZR, and Nb trace elements) determined for ob- 
sidian source meterial recovered from the Medicine Lake area of 
Siskiyou and Modoc Counties... A number of obsidian flows in the 
immediate area of Little Medicine Lake, including "Glass Mountain" 
...demonstrate nearly identical chemical compositions. 

Roughly computed, the distance from DNo-14 to the eastern flank 
of Glass Mountain approaches 150 miles. It might be safely as- 
sumed that the actual distance covered in trade would be somewhat 
greater than this, perhaps approaching 200 miles. (Jackson 1972: 

Animal remains from this site represent many species: brush rabbit, 

ground squirrel, whale, gray fox, black bear, racoon, sea otter, mountain 

lion, sea lion, harbor seal, Roosevelt elk, deer, seal, miscellaneous 

clams, mussels, shore birds, etc. A complete listing of faunal remains, 

including scientific names and quantities, is given in the site report 

(Moratto 1972: 37-41). 

Conclusions . Based upon archeological sampling and on testimony from a 
Tolowa informant, it would appear that DNo-14 was a small settlement of 
three or four houses occupied principally during the protohistoric and 
historic periods. Although the archeological remains are limited, there 
is no indication of appreciable cultural change. The close similarity 


between the artifacts from DNo-14 and those found in the upper levels of 
DNo-11, Hum-118 and Hurn-169 (see Chapter V) suggests a single-component 
occupation at Enderts Beach dating back three or four centuries at most. 
Information supplied by Amelia Brown places the site's abandonment in the 

Both the native name for the site (Tsiniyafe : "summer fishing") 
and the profusion of archeological fish remains attest to the importance 
of fishing in the local economy. Salmon, trout, cormorants, deer, elk, 
sea lions, gapers, rock cockles and California mussels also figured prom- 
inently in the diet of those living at TsiniYat Y e (cf. floratto 1972: 42- 
44). There were no archeological mortars, pestles or other implements 
diagnostic of seed-processing. This could be a simple matter of sampling 
bias, or it might indicate the use of DNo-14 on a seasonal basis only. 
All of the recovered faunal remains represent species which could have 
been collected during the summer and the numerous deer and elk antlers 
show that the site was inhabited during the summer at the very least. The 
extreme scarcity of waterfowl bones may be taken as evidence that the site 
was not extensively used in winter, or it could mean simply that waterfowl 
were not taken in large numbers. Thus, while there are hints of season- 
ality, the archeological sample is presently inadequate for any sort of 
meaningful conclusion, even though the Tolowa name gives weight to the 
seasonality hypothesis. As a proposition to be tested, it might be argued 
that TsiniYafe was a summertime hamlet annually resettled by fishing- 
gathering parties from another, more permanent village. 

The Stone Lagoon Site 

This section synthesizes published data regarding the site of Tsahpek v 

(Hum-129). I have reported upon the archeology of this site more fully in 
earlier papers (Moratto 1970, 1971b, 1972). 

The Stone Lagoon site has never been excavated by archeologists. All 
of our information comes from interviews with Yurok informants and from a 
10-day reconnaissance and stabilization effort in early 1970. At that 
time, Donald Wood, Michael Mann ion and I mapped the site, screened looters' 
backdirt while refilling their "pot holes," made surface collections, sur- 


veyed other nearby sites and elicited ethnographic information regarding 
Hum-129. Since no controlled excavations were made, no stratigraphic 
association of artifacts was possible. A full-scale scientific excavation 
of this site was scheduled for June, 1970, but the program was abandoned 
in the face of Yurok opposition to further disturbance of the site. 

Location and Description of Hum-129 . From Tsahpek w sea, shore, lagoon and 
land resources could be exploited easily. A listing of the economically- 
important flora, fauna and lithics in the Stone Lagoon vicinity is to be 
found in my earlier report (Moratto 1972: 47-48). 

A. L. Kroeber (1925) noted that Tsahpek w was the third largest of the 
Yurok coastal settlements, surpassed only by Tsurai and Opyuweg, both to 
the south. An extensive bone and shell midden and vestiges of native 

structures are all that remain of Tsahpek", The cultural deposits cover 

2 ~ 

nearly 5000 m . At one time the site projected further to the west, but 

over the years much of the bluff has sloughed into the sea (Milton Marks 

1970: personal communication). 

Archeological Investigations . When the site was visited in January, 1970, 
there were evidences of five structures, two of which were still standing. 
Judged from building materials and methods of construction, all of them 
appeared to have been built during the last 100 years. Surface collecting 
and screening of looter's backdirt near the structures produced some 1000 
artifacts, which could be grouped into three general classes: (1) objects 
of Caucasian manufacture, (2) artifacts of native (aboriginal style) manu- 
facture and (3) Caucasian artifacts with native modifications. Together, 
these structures and artifacts provided insights into the patterns of 
19th century acculturation among the Yurok. 

An analysis of the structural remains produced a temporal and devel- 
opmental series of residence forms, which was compared with the aboriginal 
dwelling type (Moratto 1972: 51-53). It was learned that the native house 
type did not immediately give way to that of the Caucasians but that there 
was a series of intermediate types, each of which reflected a different 
level of acculturation. The semi-subterranean features and truncated 


gable roof of the aboriginal house yielded first to a surface house with 
a simple gabled roof. A little before 1900 the plank roof was replaced by 
a shaked shed roof and wooden flooring was introduced. The 20th century 
dwelling shows that split planks were omitted in favor of horizontally- 
nailed sawn boards and the cabin itself was elevated on piers and girders 
(cf. Moratto 1972: 52-53). 

Artifacts . Constituting the assemblage from Tsahpek^ (Plate VII) were 
"Gunther Barbed" arrow points (cf. Dotta 1967); triangular, ovate and 
concave base points; lanceolate knives; drills; chipped pebble fishnet 
sinkers; heavy percussion-flaked choppers; pestles; arrow shaft planes; 
steatite vessels; bird bone tubes; an incised ivory cylinder, and har- 
poons, wedges, needles, awls and fishhooks of bone or antler (cf. Moratto 
1972: 53-58). Items of non-Indian manufacture included porcelain and 
ironstone tablewares, glass bottle fragments, iron nails, a file, metal 
stove parts, wagon parts, harness fittings, an animal trap and a rifle 
barrel. Of particular interest are five large triangular, concave-base 
points (for harpoons?) made of green bottle glass. Our Yurok informants 
reported that local children had discovered glass trade beads in the 
midden, but we found no historic beads in our screening. 

Interpretations . Even allowing for the severe limitations of our archeo- 
logical sample, certain inferences regarding the culture history of Tsahpek w 
may cautiously be drawn. Considering first the temporal dimension it appears 
that the site was occupied continuously from the 1860s to the early 1940s. 
Combining our knowledge of the prehistoric component with ethnographic in- 
formation, it can be demonstrated that Tsahpek w was inhabited during pre- 
historic times, was then abandoned for a time of unknown duration and 
finally was reoccupied following the Chilula raid at Hergwer (see Moratto 
1972: 48-49). The date of the earliest settlement is uncertain, but it 
was probably well within the most recent millennium. None of the native 
artifacts from Tsahpek w is significantly different from the types recovered 
in the late prehistoric and early historic components at Tsurai and the 
Patricks Point site (cf. Elsasser and Heizer 1966). 


A i A A . t | 

At A Al 


• ••>». 1. 1. ,> ,, ,. $ ,„ , : ,. ,„ ,„ 

01 « » L 9 S , 

W » SO 

Plate VII. Artifacts from the Stone Lagoon site (4-Hum-129) : (above) 

projectile points, including chert and obsidian arrow points (top 

row) and chert and bottle glass harpoon tips (bottom row) ; (below, 

left to right) bone pendant, spatulate fragment, needle, incised bone 

piece and two wedges. The bone harpoon point (bottom) is notched to 

receive a stone or glass tip. 


'» I' H 13 14 IB II II l« 

n ii oi 6 

iftilililililihlflililililililiffilihliiJ • 

• I 19 11 14 » M 17 >• 

e z i 

7 7 

By the 1860s the native culture was already somewhat altered by intro- 
ductions from the whites, but many of the old Yurok practices persisted 
well into the fully historic period. In matters of housing, transportation, 
diet and subsistence-related technology there is good evidence for a gradual 
metamorphosis from traditional to introduced patterns. Seventy to 100 years 
ago, the subsistence base included salmon, smelt, some waterfowl, molluscs, 
sea lions, deer, elk, berries, greens and marine plants. The brushy area 
south of Tsahpek w was burned seasonally to retard the growth of alders and 
to encourage fresh browse for deer and elk. This practice Avas discontinued 
during the opening years of the present century. After ca. 1900 the Indians 
at Tsahpek w supported themselves increasingly by agriculture. They grew 
potatoes and grain in large plots on and east of the site and also raised 
a few head of cattle. With the exception of occasional venison, mussels, 
clams and fish, aboriginal foods were not part of the regular diet after 

Similar patterns of acculturative transition are evidenced in aspects 
of transportation, technology and other facets of culture. Although the 
available data are biased and unquestionably inconclusive, they do permit 
valuable insights into the sequence of Yurok acculturation in the late 
19th century. The archeological evidence from Tsahpek w represents an im- 
portant contribution to the understanding of changing patterns of economy 
and technology in early historic northwest California. 


VII: The Archeological Reconnaissance of Redwood National Park 


Areas to be surveyed for possible cultural sites were selected on the 
basis of two criteria. First, an attempt was made to examine the most prom- 
ising localities; that is, the coastal strip, the banks of major streams 
or places known to have been settled during the historic period. Second, 
proposals for specific developments within the park were considered. The 
goals of the reconnaissance, therefore, were to gather field data concerning 
the full range of archeological remains within Redwood National Park and to 
examine specific development sites in order to determine whether cultural 
resources would be adversely affected by the planned modifications. 

All surveys were conducted on foot. Of immediate concern were soil 
discolorations, shell, worked lithic material, unusual contours, fire- 
fractured rocks and all other unnatural conditions which might reflect 
prior cultural activity. Discovered sites were recorded on standard "site 
survey forms," photographed and sketch-mapped. Artifacts from IIum-129 and 
DNo-14 were collected and are being retained at the Treganza Anthropology 
Museum in San Francisco. Artifacts from all other sites within the park 
were left in situ. Field maps, notes, photographs and other data are 
filed in the Department of Anthropology, San Francisco State University. 

Description of Areas Surveyed 

The areas searched for archeological remains are shown on Maps 2 and 3, 
During the course of three field seasons, the following areas were sur- 

1. The west side of Smith River from a point opposite Peacock Creek 
to the Hiouchi Bridge--1973. 

2. Lower Clarks Creek between Highway 199 and Smith River--1973. 

3. The west side of Smith River from the Hiouchi Bridge to a point 
ca. 1/2 mile west of Sheep Pen Creek--1973. 

4. Lower Mill Creek from the Nickerson Ranch site and Metcalf Grove 
to Smith River— 1973. 






Map 3. Areas surveyed in the southern portion of the park. N ^- 

5. Cedar Creek from a point ca. 400 m into Sec. 21 downstream to its 
confluence with Smith River — 1973. 

6. The eastern bank of Smith River from a point ca. 1 mile north of 
the Hiouchi Bridge to a point within Sec. 9, ca. 300 m west of Sec. 10-- 

7. The Point Saint George locality and the coastal strip between 
the Point and Crescent City--1971, 1973. 

8. The Redwood National Park Headquarters site in Crescent City-- 
1971 (now under construction). 

9. The entire coastline between the Whaler Island Breakwater in 
Crescent City and the mouth of the Klamath River. Particular attention 
was devoted to the Crescent Beach recreation area, the Coast Trail, the 
Yurok Loop Trail, the Lagoon Creek parking area and foot-bridge site, the 
Requa (Coast Trail) parking area, beach access trail routes, the Enderts 
Beach camping area and the locations of known ethnographic village sites-- 
1971, 1972. 

10. The south bank of the Klamath River from the sandpit to the 
Douglas Memorial Bridge — 1971. 

11. Lower Richardson Creek and the Old Hwy. 101 corridor between 
the Klamath River and the coast--1971. 

12. The coastside between the Klamath River and a point ca. 500 
m south of the Del Norte County line — 1971, 1973. 

13. The coastside between the Ossagon Creek drainage and Espa Lagoon, 
including the lower reaches of Boat Creek, Home Creek and Squashan Creek-- 

14. The coastside between Espa Lagoon and Redwood Lagoon, including 
lower Major Creek and the hills southwest of the Hufford Ranch--1973. 

15. The coastside between Redwood Lagoon and the southern edge of Dry 
Lagoon, including much of the Stone Lagoon shoreline--1970, 1971, 1972. 

16. The Lady Bird Johnson Grove and Trail, the "dedication site" and 
the parking facility site on Bald Hills Road--1971. 

17. The Elk Grove-Elk Prairie vicinity of Prairie Creek Redwoods 
S1 ate Park— 1971. 

13. The Prairie Creek-Highway 101 corridor for a distance of ca. 


3 1/2 miles north of Brown Creek in Prairie Creek Redwoods State Park-- 
1971, 1973. 

19. Lower Lost Man and Little Lost flan creeks upstream from Highway 
101 — 1973. 

20. Lower Redwood Creek between Redwood Lagoon and the confluence 
of Prairie Creek--1971. 

21. The Redwood Creek drainage between the trailhead near Bald Hills 
Road and Tall Trees, including the Tall Trees Loop Trail; various portions 
surveyed in 1971, 1972 and 1973. 

22. Redwood Creek between Tall Trees and the upstream boundary of 
Redwood National Park, including the "Rocky Gap" section of the drainage — 

23. The northeastern half of Counts Hill Prairie and the adjacent 
wooded areas between Bald Hills Road and the Park boundary--1973. 

Survey Statistics 

In sum, the entire coastal frontage of Redwood National Park has now 
been examined for archeological remains. In addition, reconnaissance work 
has been completed along the sections of Smith River, Klamath River, Red- 
wood Creek and many smaller streams within the park. A total area of 
20.93 square miles (ca. 13,510 acres) was surveyed during the three sea- 
sons of reconnaissance work in the park (12 man-days in 1971, six man-days 
in 1972 and 16 man-days in 1973, counting actual field survey time only). 

A more detailed breakdown of surveyed areas and man-days invested 
is provided in Table 1. 

Field Conditions 

The significance of any archeological survey must be measured against 
the background of field conditions actually encountered. Put simply, the 
nature of landforms, erosion patterns, vegetation, ground cover and other 
factors govern, in large measure, the intensity and reliability of archeo- 
logical reconnaissance work. 

Conditions for field survey are generally excellent along the low 
bluffs from Point Saint George to Crescent City (Map 2). There are no 


Table 1: Summary data concerning survey work in 
Redwood National Park. 

1971-1972 (18 man -days of survey work) 

Square Miles Surveyed 
1.80 t 

(ca. 2 acres) 
Total: 11.65 (ca. 7520 acres) 

1973 (16 man-days of survey work) 

Projects Square Miles Surveyed 

1-6 2.81 + 

12 1.83 

14 1.05 

18 0.30 

19 0.79 

21 1.20 (resurvey) 

22-23 1^30 

Total: 9.28 (ca. 5990 acres) 

Average: ca. 374 acres/ man-day 
















forests on this part of the coastline and the local vegetation is chiefly 
composed of low strand plants. Because of these factors and the numerous 
soil exposures in gulleys and aeolan scars, it seems probable that all of 
the remaining archeological sites in this vicinity have been discovered. 

Completely different circumstances are encountered in the Smith 
River-Mill Creek vicinity (Map 2). Much of this area, particularly along 
lower Mill and Clarks creeks, is heavily forested, with a dense understory 
of ferns, huckleberries, hazel, etc. Beneath the duff on the forest floor 
the natural soils on higher terraces are red to red-brown in color. Near 
Smith River, as much as 40-60 feet above the summer water level, the soil 
is blanketed with gray to gray-white silt, which grades to sand and then 
to gravel in the river channel. Exposures of silt more than 2 feet deep 
were observed on habitable terraces just below Stout Grove. Aside from 
the expectation that some sites may have been eradicated by flooding, the 
combination of dense vegetation, duff and silt raise the possibility that 
buried sites of any size could have gone undetected. 

Similar forest conditions continue along Clarks Creek, except for a 
large grassy meadow adjacent to Walker Road about 1/2 mile west of Clarks 
Creek. This flat appears to have been used as homestead, as evidenced by 
old fruit trees toward the western edge. The location would have been 
ideal for an Indian camp site, but no traces of midden or aboriginal fea- 
tures could be found in the pale gray soil. 

On the eastern side of Smith River the problems of silt and dense 
vegetation are compounded by recent modifications, such as roads, houses, 
stores and park developments. As on the western side of the river, it is 
to be expected that some sites may have been destroyed and that others may 
remain buried beneath the silt. 

South of Crescent City the field situation is quite favorable between 
Whaler Island and Enderts Beach. The vegetation is inconsequential from 
an archeological standpoint and the terrain is quite amenable to survey 
work. It is possible that drifting sand along Crescent Beach or earth 
slippage between Cushing Creek and Nickel Creek could have removed or ob- 
scured sites. Nonetheless, it is very probable that the existing sites 
in this vicinity have been discovered. 


With few exceptions, the coastline between Enderts Beach and the 
southern end of the park is characterized by steep to precipitous slopes, 
with much evidence of slippage and landslides. It seems very likely that 
ancient archeological sites, if they ever existed along this part of the 
coast, would have sloughed off the unstable bluffs into the sea long ago. 
Those sites discovered tended to be located on sheltered terraces or slopes 
near the mouths of streams or on the shores of lagoons. Vegetation creates 
an undeniable problem for the archeological surveyor along this part of 
the coastside. There are many places where the rank stands of thimble- 
berries, cow parsnip, nettles, blackberries, etc. are so dense that the 
soil cannot be seen. Test holes 6" to 18" deep were dug periodically in 
terraces, stream banks and other "suspicious" locations. Nevertheless, 
there is a clear possibility that some coastal sites may remain unknown, 
camouflaged beneath dense plant cover. 

Redwood Creek (Map 3) is another place where field conditions have 
clearly affected the reliability of archeological survey data. In gener- 
al, the lower Redwood Creek Basin shows evidence of massive erosion and 
flooding. Below Rocky Gap the channel tends to be broad and shallow. 
Excessive accumulations of gray silt, in some palces as much as 6 feet 
deep, are found on the occasional terraces and meadows near the river. 
It is clear that any archeological sites which may have existed along 
Redwood Creek within Redwood National Park have either been washed away 
or smothered beneath a mantle of silt. Because of the danger of flooding 
near this stream and the fact that dense forests extend to the very banks 
of Redwood Creek, it is likely that most archeological sites will be en- 
countered on the lower prairies several hundred yards or more above the 
water. However, the possibility of sites nearer Redwood Creek cannot be 
discounted; such sites might include seasonal settlements or special pur- 
pose camps. This possibility must be kept in mind should any developments 
be planned for the Redwood Creek drainage. 


VIII: Inventory of Cultural Resources 
In and Near Redwood National Park 

This chapter describes significant archeological remains within or 
adjacent to the National Park. Each site is considered in terms of its 
name, nature, condition and significance. 

(1) ray/ ate (DNo-11) 

The Point Saint George site was occupied as early as 300 BC and was 
settled intensively thereafter by the ancestors of the historic Tolowa. 
Known to have been used historically as a camping place for shellfish 
gathering and sea lion hunting, this site was depopulated early in the 
historic period by an epidemic, possibly of cholera (Gould 1966a; Drucker 
1937; Waterman 1925). Today, the archeological remains at DNo-11 form the 
most extensive, and possibly the oldest, midden complex on the northwest 
coast of California. Archeological excavations at this site have produced 
rich evidence of a maritime culture (Gould 1966a; Moratto 1960). Although 
DNo-11 has been greatly disturbed by vandalism, slippage and aeolan defla- 
tion, the site is so large that perhaps 60% to 80 9 6 of the original deposits 
remain intact. Although this site lies a few miles west of the park bound- 
ary, it is so important archeological ly that the NPS should be aware of 
its location and status. DNo-11 was nominated for inclusion on the National 
Register of Historic Places in 1972. 

(2) Sastaso" 

Waterman (1925) mentioned in passing the name of this settlement 
on Point Saint George. It is probable that Waterman's Sastaso was 
represented by a shellmound (now destroyed) about 1/2 mile south of the 
Coast Guard Station on Point Saint George. I visited this midden in 
1956, shortly before it was bulldozed into the sea to make way for a 
quarrying operation. This information is largely of academic interest 
now, since the midden lias been eradicated. 

(3) Ta^ti^tun (DNo-13) 


Possibly a suburb of Ta .tatun , Ta^ti 3 tun was situated at the northern 
end of Pebble Beach (Drucker 1937; Waterman 1925). This Tolowa settlement 
is represented today by DNo-13, an extensive sand, bone, shell and rock 
midden. Much of the site has been disturbed by vandalism, virtually all 
of which has occurred since 1959. One possible subrectangular housepit 
and choppers, pestle fragments and other artifacts were observed on the 
surface of DNo-13 at the time of my 1971 visit. This site undoubtedly 
still has considerable archeological interest and value. However, since 
it is located outside of Redwood National Parle on private land, it would 
appear that the NPS can do little — except in the area of public education — 
to protect DNo-13 from further depredations. 

(4) Meslte x ltun (DNo-17) 

Located near the southern end of Pebble Beach, this wealthy offshoot 
of Ta : tatun once had nine houses and two sweathouses (Curtis 1924; Drucker 
1937; Waterman 1925; Kroeber 1925). Most of the previously-extensive midden 
at DNo-17 has eroded into the sea or was bulldozed during the grading for 
Pebble Beach Drive. It was reported to me by local residents that numerous 
burials came to light when this site was graded. Today, traces of shell 
midden are still visible in the cliffs near the public beach access, and 
there may be additional deposits beneath the parking lot. Little or nothing 
of archeological significance remains at DNo-17. The site of old Meslte^ltun 
is marked by a bronze plaque erected by the Del Norte Historical Society 
at the instigation of Richard Gould. 

(5) Seni gxat 

At the site of Seaside Hospital in Crescent City, this village was 
occupied historically be people from Ta: tatun . Seni gxat once had 11 
houses and two sweathouses (Drucker 1937; Droeber 1925; Waterman 1925). 
No archeological remnants of Senl^gxat could be discovered, but it is 
possible that some cultural deposits have survived beneath the hospital 
and its landscaping. 

(6) DNo-18 

Regarding this site, which apparently is (or was) located near the 

northeastern periphery of Jedediah Smith Redwoods State Park, we have the 

following information: 

According to the files of the University of California (Berkeley) 
Archaeological Research Facility, an aboriginal site known as 
4-DNo-13 is located in the (vicinity) ... We found no evidence 
of such a site, however, and Mr. Peacock, who owns the property, 
assured us that no such site existed. Instead, he informed us, 
there was a site which lie had showed to an archaeologist in the 
past, ... This site included a cemetery and a sweathouse de- 
pression, but was covered by the construction of Route 197 a 
few years ago. At the prescribed location we found a broad 
lower terrace, moderately alluviated, and a narrow upper ter- 
race almost completely covered by the Route 197 roadbed. Aside 
from a few possible fire-cracked rocks on the remnant terrace 
protruding from beneath the road fill, no clear evidence of an 
archaeological site was noted. We surmise, however, that this 
is the most likely real location for DNo-18. (King 1972: 11) 

(7) Si J tragi^tum 

Drucker (1937) describes this as an "old site" with one house and one 
sweathouse, inhabited by a man from E :tculet. This settlement was appar- 
ently situated on a terrace on the west bank of Smith River, north of the 
Iliouchi Bridge. The locality has been logged and flooded in the past and 
is presently covered with dense forest. No trace of Indian habitation 
could be discovered here during King's (1972) examination or during my 
survey in 1973. What is apparently the same location was visited by E. 
Ritter in 1969. Ritter did not inspect the site closely, but he recorded 
the fact that two local residents had collected broken projectile points 
there. The presumed archeological site was designated "DNo-S4" by Ritter 
(cf. files of the State Department of Parks and Recreation, Cultural 
Resources Section) . 

(8) DNo-Sl (Possible Indian Grave) 

During the summer of 1969, Ritter reported that the grave of a "Chief 
Phillips" (Tolowa?) was located near a large rock outcrop on the south edge 
of Smith River, downstream from the lliouchi Bridge. The site is located 
within a mixed forest of redwood, fir, hemlock and madrone, and its surface 


is covered with river alluvium. Information regarding this putative site 
was provided to Ritter by C. 0. Young, a local resident. No cultural 
manifestations were observed at DNo-Sl (cf. files of the State Department 
of Parks and Recreation, Cultural Resources Section). 

(9) Tcunsu X ltun 

This ethnographic Tolowa village on the north bank of Smitli River 
reportedly had two houses and a sweathouse and was a suburb of Ta / :- 
tatun at Crescent City (Drucker 1937). A very extensive archeological 
site discovered during the 1973 survey presumably represents the old 
village of Tcunsu^ltun . This site is located within Jedediah Smith 
Redwoods State Park. Rich, black midden is present. Four chipped stone 
fishnet sinkers, two 19th century bottle glass fragments and numerous 
pieces of worked chert and obsidian were found on the surface. This may 
be the site designated DNo-S2 by Ritter in 1969, but Ritter' s verbal de- 
scription is inconsistent with his map coordinates. Ritter notes that a 
Mr. Sawyer had collected about 20 projectile points, retouched flakes, 
ocean shell scrapers, hammerstones and core tools from the surface of 
DNo-S2 (cf. files of State Department of Parks and Recreation, Cultural 
Resources Section) . 

T. F. King, in the course of his 1972 survey for the State Division 

of Highways, also reported a site which he considered to be Tcunsu^ltun : 

This village had two houses and a sweathouse, and was a suburb 
of Tatatun , a large village near Crescent City. This property 
has recently been purchased by the National Park Service... 
(King 1972: 11) 

It seems clear that the north bank of Smith River in this area was 

extensively utilized by the Indians. Although it is probable that the 

site described by King is merely the periphery of the midden discussed 

above, the ascription of the name Tcunsu^ltun to either site (or to both 

of them collectively) would seem reasonable. It may be, in fact, that the 

"two" sites merely reflect settlements by the same community at different 

times. In any event, the archeological remains would appear to be of 

exceptional scientific value. The apparent site of Tcunsu^ltun seems to 


be the only midden site within Jedediah Smith Redwoods State Park. Fur- 
thermore, this is the only reasonably intact inland archeological site 
known to exist within the proposed boundaries of Redwood National Park. 

(10) DNQ-S3 

This midden site, located north of Smith River and northeast of the 
park boundary, was first recorded in 1969 by Ritter, who discovered scat- 
tered lithic flakes on the surface. The site is so badly disturbed by 
erosion, gardening, a residence and a roadcut that it would seem to be of 
little archeological value (cf. files of the State Department of Parks and 
Recreation, Cultural Resources Section) . 

(11) DNQ-S5 

Based on information received from C. Sawyer of Crescent City, Ritter 
recorded DNo-S5 as a "rock outcrop and midden deposit with bedrock mortars" 
on the western edge of Mill Creek. According to the report given to Ritter, 
a stone pestle and two bowl mortars were collected from this site (cf. files 
of the State Department of Parks and Recreation, Cultural Resources Section) 
The site could not be found during the 1973 reconnaissance. It is possible 
that forest litter obscures the site or that the location given to Ritter 
was inaccurate. 

(12) Te / :nltcuntun 

Since the recorded location of Te / :nitcuntun falls nearly a mile 

northeast of the park, no attempt was made to search for the site in 1973. 

However, a survey of the area was made in 1972: 

We assiduously searched the area. . .without finding any evidence 
of aboriginal occupation. The margins of the ridge... have 
clearly been subjected to extreme erosion, however, and placer 
operations are reported in the vicinity. . .At this location too 
are several massive cobble walls... and an apparent old dump 
well excavated by bottle hunters.... It is quite possible 
that these various modifications have removed all traces of 
Te^nltcuntun . . . (King 1972: 12) 

(13) Ta^tatun (DNo-16) 


This was the main Tolowa village in Crescent City, located on Battery 
Point. In historic times this village was moved to Seni gxat (Drucker 
1937; Waterman 1925). All archeological evidences of Ta / :tatun appear to 
have been obliterated by rock quarrying. 

(14) Sxme ? (DNo-15) 

This was a 19th century Tolowa hamlet on the north side of Cushing 
Creek. It is said to have had one house and a sweathouse (Moratto 1972). 
A reasonably intact, but apparently shallow, shell midden occupies the 
place of old Sxme . This midden is the most northerly coastal archeolog- 
ical site within the National Park. At present, the site seems endangered 
only by gradual erosion. 

(15) TsiniYate (DNo-14) 

Located on both sides of Nickel Creek, TsiniYate was a late pre- 
historic-early historic Tolowa village of at least two houses and a sweat- 
house. This site may have been utilized most intensively during the summer 
fishing season. It was abandoned around 1880 (Moratto 1972; Waterman 1925; 
Kroeber 1925). A moderately disturbed archeological site remains. 

(16) DNo-57 

Ritter first discovered this archeological site in 1969 during his 
survey of Del Norte Redwoods State Park (cf. files of the State Department 
of Parks and Recreation, Cultural Resources Section). Located on a small 
terrace along Damnation Creek, DNo-S7 consists of a shell midden ca. 50 
meters in diameter and 1 meter deep. Flakes of chert were found on the 
surface. This site is essentially intact and does not appear to be in 
danger of disturbance. 

(17) DN0-S8 

DN0-S8, located at the base of a rocky cliff, is of unusual interest 
because it is the only rockshelter site known within Redwood National 
Park. A small, shallow shell midden extends about 8 or 9 meters down the 
slope from the mouth of the cave. If this site dates to the protohistoric 


or early historic period, it is probably the most southerly Tolowa settle- 
ment within the National Park. menhipu^r , a village a little further 
south, was known to have been settled by the Yurok. 

(18) c/menhipu^r (DNo-2 and DNo-7; also, DNo-S9) 

This village of seven or eight houses, located on both sides of 
Wilson Creek, was the most northerly Yurok settlement (Waterman 1920). 
Recent highway construction lias virtually obliterated the archeological 
remains of menhipu^r . Highly disturbed lenses of shell midden are pres- 
ent, as are scattered bits of shell. The University of California (Berke- 
ley) Archaeological Survey has assigned separate numbers (DNo-2 and DNo-7) 
to the middens north and south (respectively) of Wilson Creek. In 1948, 
when A. P. Miller of U.C. surveyed the site, there were still extensive 
midden deposits and at least three house pits visible. Three cairns of 
stones, possibly grave sites, were also recorded in 1948 at a point about 
500 yards north of DNo-2. Unless some relatively undisturbed deposits are 
concealed, this site would appear to be of little worth to archeology. 

(19) O'men (DNo-1; also, DNo-SlO) 

Situated on the coast, the village of men contained at least four 
houses and a sweathouse (Waterman 1920). Disturbed remnants of a once 
extensive archeological deposit are to be found and the remaining shell 
midden has been considerably damaged. The four house pits still visible 
in 1948 (at the time of the U.C, Berkeley, survey) have been obliterated. 
.'Nevertheless, a sufficient portion of the midden remains to warrant mean- 
ingful archeological sampling in the future. 

(2 0) Re^kwoi (DNo-5) 

With 22 to 25 houses, R ^kwoi was not only the largest Yurok village 
on the coast, but also one of the best preserved. An extensive midden, 
one reconstructed family house and several house pits remain today. The 
dark, sandy midden contains numerous shells, fire-fractured rocks, chert 
flakes and sea mammal bones. Presumably, the site would also contain a 
great quantity of salmon bones, but these were not observed on the surface, 


Although Re / kvvoi falls a few hundred yards east of the Redwood National 
Park boundary, its preservation and interpretation should be a matter of 
concern for the National Park Service. In 1971, Re / kwoi was nominated 
for inclusion on the National Register of Historic Places. 

(21) We^lkwa* (DNo-6) 

Nine houses are reported to have stood in this town. We / lkwa w was 
one of a half-dozen Yurok villages with a sacred sweathouse where a White 
Deerskin or Jumping dance could be performed (Kroeber 1925; Waterman 1920) 
A few native house frames were still standing in 1920, but barns and out- 
buildings occupied much of the former Yurok site (Waterman 1920). No 
trace of aboriginal settlement could be discovered during our survey. 
Much of the locality has been bulldozed to bedrock, the remainder being 
covered with vestiges of sawmill and ranch structures. This former site 
falls within park borders, but nothing of archeological value remains. 

(22) Tse'kwel 

According to Waterman (1920), this village was located on the south 
bank of the Klamath River. The area is now overgrown by alder brush and 
no evidence of native habitation could be discovered. 

(23) c/segen (Hum-136) 

This was a small coastal Yurok hamlet of three houses and two sweat- 
houses (Waterman 1920). Two sweathouses were still standing in 1935 (Hood 
1965). Much of the site has been disturbed by historic activities and 
only scattered traces of shallow midden could be discovered. 

(24) E y spa w (Hum-133) 

E spa w was an important Yurok coastal town of four to seven houses. 
This settlement was occupied until early in the 20th century and had accu- 
mulations of shell "several yards thick" (Curtis 1924; Waterman 1920; 
Kroeber 1925). Surveys by Ritter in 1969 and by me in 1971 failed to pro- 
duce any traces of the former midden. The area has been modified consid- 
erably by roads, logging, mining, Coast Cuard activities, recreation use 


and modern residences. A dense, young forest of conifers and alders also 
covers a portion of the area. It would appear that all traces of the old 
village of E spa w have vanished during the last half century. 

(25) Major Creek Settlement 

The 1973 reconnaissance disclosed the presence of a historic coastal 
site. Although there is no appreciable midden buildup in this location, 
there are bits of glass, porcelain and pieces of iron scattered over the 
surface. None of the artifacts appears to be more than 50 or 60 years 
old. It is surmised that a house or cabin once stood here, probably dur- 
ing the early 20th century. 

(26) 0-tmekwo'r (Hum-135) 

Waterman (1920) described this as an old site with five house pits 
near Redwood Lagoon. Waterman further postulated that 0-tmekwo / r might 
be the site from which the inhabitants of Ore / q w originated. Bearss (1969: 
14) states, in apparent conflict with waterman's statements, that the site 
was occupied in 1912. This site, designated Hum-135, was visited and 
recorded in detail as part of the 1973 reconnaissance program. It was 
discovered that a virtually undisturbed, deep midden — comprised of shell, 
mammal bone, fire-fractured rocks, etc. --covers an area measuring ca. 40 x 
75 meters. An elk antler wedge, several pestles, stone fishnet sinkers 
and numerous chert cores and flakes were observed on the surface of the 
midden. Hum-135 is of particular importance because it has not been dis- 
turbed by vandals and because it is the only reasonably intact archeolog- 
ical site of its kind within the park. Since many crucial questions re- 
garding lagoon-related adaptive strategies might ultimately be answered 
through the scientific investigation of this site, it is imperative that 
the midden be safeguarded as one of Redwood National Park's most valuable 
cultural resources. 

(27) Prey (Hum- 131) 

Also in the vicinity of Redwood Lagoon was Ore / q w , a Yurok settlement 
of six houses, a sweathouse and a cemetery. This was one of the villages 


where the Jumping Dance was held. The early population of this settlement 
is estimated to have been 25 to 35 persons (Waterman 1920). The 1961 re- 
routing of U.S. Highway 101 greatly damaged the site and exposed 23 burials. 
No trace of midden could be found in the vicinity of Ore q w during two 
visits in 1971. However, the place is overgrown with alder, thimbleberries, 
cow parsnip, etc., and it is possible that some portion of the original 
midden has escaped both damage and detection. Ore x q w was important ethno- 
graphical ly as the principal Yurok village in the neighborhood of Redwood 
Lagoon. Modern Orick is named after this site. 

(28) Sl'gwets (Hum 132) 

Waterman (1920 describes Si gwets as an old town site, a suburb of 
Ore^**. The site was destroyed by the construction of Highway 101 and a 
parking area. 

(29) Hr y gwr> w (Hum- 130) 

More than a century ago, Hr gwr 3W was a Yurok village of seven houses 
and two sweathouses near Stone Lagoon. In 1863 Chilula Indians from Bald 
Hills raided this village and killed 10 people; the survivors settled at 
Tsa^hpek 7 " (Waterman 1920; Kroeber 1925). The archeological remains of 
Hr / gwr 5W were destroyed by highway construction during the early 1960s. 
The midden was recorded in 1948 by University of California archeologists. 

(30) Ora 

; /w 

This was a Yurok camp site with a collection of shelters used during 
acorn harvests (Waterman 1920). It was located on the bank of Prairie 
Creek. Any midden which may have existed has been destroyed or buried 
beneath Highway 101. 

(31) Hum-S3 

No Yurok name is known for this archeological site, which was first 
recorded by Ritter in 1969 (cf. files of the State Department of Parks and 
Recreation, Cultural Resources Section). Apparently used as a hunting 
camp, the site consists of a scatter of chert flakes and point fragments 


on Elk Prairie. The site shows no appreciable depth of deposit or midden 

(32) Hum-180 

This archeological site in Prairie Creek Redwoods State Park was 
discovered by University of California archeologists in 1948. It is com- 
prised of shell fragments, chert flakes and other artifacts scattered over 
the surface. It is probable that Hum-180, Hum-S3 and other as yet undis- 
covered sites were used as temporary hunting camps by small bands of Yurok 
from more permanent coastal villages. 

(33) Split Rock ("Nock flaye") 

This cleft monolith was of mythological significance to the Yurok 
(see Ch. III). The native explanation of Split Rock is given on a road- 
side plaque set up by the National Park Service. 

(34) Tsa / hpek w (Hum-129) 

This was a village of 11 houses near Stone Lagoon (Waterman 1920; 
Moratto 1970, 1972). IIum-129 is a very large and deep, but badly van- 
dalized, midden, which lias produced abundant evidence of protohistoric- 
historic Yurok culture (see Ch. VI; Moratto 1972). This site is deserving 
of special protection, not only because of its value as an archeological 
resource, but also because it contains an Indian cemetery with the remains 
of persons related to Yuroks still living along the northwest coast. 
Tsa / hpek w is still a place of considerable religious value for the local 

(35) Stone Lagoon Fishing Ca mp 

In 1970 D. Wood and I located what was presumably a Yurok fishing 
place. This site consisted of nearly 100 stone fishnet sinkers and chop- 
pers scattered along a 100-meter stretch of rocky shoreline. A hopper 
mortar base was discovered, but no midden or other vestiges of settlement 
could be found. It is surmised that this site was used as a fishing place 
by Indians living at one of the nearby villages (cf. Map XI). 


(36) Tso^tskwi (Hum-121) 

This old village site near Dry Lagoon may have had as many as 12 
houses and two sweathouses (Waterman 1920). Today, a large midden with 
considerable evidence of vandalism remains. The midden consists of dark- 
ened soil with fire-cracked rocks, chert flakes, shell fragments, chipped 
pebble sinkers and miscellaneous artifacts. The activities of pot hunters 
have resulted in the destruction of some 30% or more of the midden. 

(37) Noledifi 

Goddard (1914b) has provided considerable information concerning 
this Chilula settlement along Redwood Creek (see Ch. III). The site 
was visited in 1973 and positively identified on the basis of the hollow 
redwood trees within which "families used to spend the winter" (Goddard 
1914b: 273). Noledifi today consists of two, or possibly three, house 
pits and two fireplaces made of fieldstone set in mud mortar. No midden 
or aboriginal artifacts were discovered. It is presumed that Noledifi 
was occupied by acculturated Chilula during the historic period. The 
fireplaces and contiguous house pits clearly represent small cabins of 
non-aboriginal design. Given the fact that the Chilula of the 1860s built 
a log cabin-style fort, it is not at all unreasonable that cabins of the 
American type would have been constructed by the Indians at Noledifi . 

(39) Xowunnakut 

Goddard (1914b) reported this settlement to have been the first 
Chilula village on Redwood Creek. If Goddard ' s (1914b) location for 
Noledifi is correct, then it almost certainly is well outside of Redwood 
National Park. 


IX: Conclusions and Recommendations 

This report has summarized the status of anthropological knowledge 
about the area of Redwood National Pari;. An attempt has been made to 
describe the richness of prehistoric and etlmographic cultures of the 
north coast region and to review previous anthropological research in the 
area. It is hoped that the archeological remains described in this paper 
will be evaluated against this background and be managed accordingly. 

A number of recommendations may be offered with respect to the anthro- 
pology of the Redwood National Parle region: 

(1) Although approximately 21 square miles of land within and adja- 
cent to the park have been examined for archeological remains, additional 
surveys may become necessary as future development plans are approved. 

(2) Among the objectives for the park are the protection of resources 
and the explanation of their significance (NPS 1971: 6-7). These goals 
apply to cultural, as well as natural, resources. Suggestions for the 
protection of specific archeological sites have been given in the pre- 
ceding chapters. However, little lias been said regarding archeological 
interpretive programs. 

The resources of the park contain great interpretive potential. 
An obvious proposal would be the reconstruction of a native village — 
complete with family houses, a sweathouse, perhaps a canoe and other 
artifacts--at one of the scenic archeological sites within the park. 
TsiniYat r a , Tcunsu ltun or men would be ideal locations for village 
reconstructions. It would also be desirable to install major "conven- 
tional" exhibits regarding local Indian cultures at the planned inter- 
pretive centers. Other suggestions for educational endeavors include 
establishment of explanatory plaques at landmarks important to the Indians 
(as has been done at Split Rock) and the preparation of a booklet (for 
sale at Visitor Centers) dealing with the Indians of the park area. 

(5) The Park Service should explicitly and programmatically recog- 
nize that viable Indian cultures are still very much a part of the north 
coast area. This recognition carries with it both obligations and oppor- 
tunities. If possible, the Park Service should take advantage of the fact 


that much useful ethnography may still be done among elderly Indian people. 
A conscientious effort to record Yurok, Tolowa and Chilula "memory cultures" 
would undoubtedly produce new data concerning man's relationship with the 
redwood region as it was a century ago. In a few more years much of this 
information will have vanished. At the same time, it may be possible to 
cooperate with the local Indian people in the establishment of a program — 
possibly to include native dances or craft displays—for the edification 
of park visitors. In this regard it cannot be stressed too strongly that 
any such program must be developed hand-in-hand with the Indian partici- 
pants. It cannot be designed solely to meet the needs of the National 
Park Service or be imposed upon the Indians as a fait accompli. 

(4) Three archeological sites were nominated in April, 1972, for 
inclusion on the National Register of Historic Places. Two of these, 
DNo-11 and DNo-5, are just outside of the park. It is suggested, there- 
fore, that Redwood National Park personnel be instructed to visit these 
sites periodically and to report any apparent violation of the federal 
statutes governing such historic places. The third site is the Jedediah 
Smith campsite at Cushing Creek. The Cushing Creek location was the site 
of the historic Tolowa Village (or camp) called Sxme . Since Jed Smith 
referred to his camp site as "Nec-kah," a name which I have previously 
shown to have been associated with Nickel Creek rather than Cushing Creek 
(Moratto 1972), it may be that Smith pitched camp at TsiniYat r e instead of 
Sxme' . This entire business should be studied thoroughly by a competent 
historical geographer. When the historic campsite lias been established 
with certainty, appropriate interpretive devices should be set up at the 
site. It would also be useful to have signs or plaques at the other sites 
on the National Register. 

(5) Recognizing the fact that the National Park Service does exert 
some influence beyond the actual confines of Redwood National Park, it is 
recommended that steps be taken toward the preservation of whatever arche- 
ological sites might exist in the "Cooperative Management Zone" outside 
the park. For example, logging companies and other private landowners in 
the Cooperative Management Zone ought to be formally notified that the 
California Environmental Quality Act (and subsequent court interpretations 


thereof) require archeological assessments prior to significant modifica- 
tions of the landscape. Thus, logging operations in the Cooperative Man- 
agement Zone should be preceded by environmental impact studies which 
include archeological impact evaluations. 

(6) Ultimately, the Park Service should develop an archeological 
management and research strategy in consultation with local Indian leaders 
and professional archeologists. No excavations in the archeological sites 
of the park should ever be permitted unless the site is unavoidably jeop- 
ardized by developments or significant anthropological research questions 
are to be answered. 

In light of the great damage suffered by archeological remains through- 
out northern California, the extant sites in Redwood National Park have 
significant value and potential for contributing to the understanding of 
regional prehistory. Chapter V has suggested that three, or possibly 
four, vaguely known cultural phases exist in the sequence of human occu- 
pation in northwest California. These might be tentatively named and 
represented as follows: 

Historic period; characteristic 
assemblages have been excavated 
at Tsurai, Tsahpek w and southern 
DNo-11 (see Ch. V for diagnostic 
artifacts) . 

Late prehistoric period, back to 
AD 900 or earlier; as represented 
at Gunther T sland, Patricks Point, 
Tsiniyat y a and Point Saint George 
II (see Ch. V). 
Pt . St. George Phase: As early as several centuries BC; 

known only from the lower levels 
of Point Saint George (DNo-11) 
(see Chapter V) . 
It is also possible that evidence of substantially earlier cultural 
activity may be discovered in northwest California. In any event, a great 
deal of work needs to be done in order to clarify the nature, cultural 


Trinidad Phase 

Gunther Is. Phase; 

affiliation and dating of the phases proposed above. Any future archeo- 
logical studies should consider these phases in terms of possible ties 
with archeological phenomena in southern Oregon, northeastern California 
and the Coast Ranges to the south (cf. Fredrickson 1973). 

We are left with an uncomfortably large number of anthropological 
questions: When did man first arrive in the redwood region? What were 
the approximate times at which the ancestors of the Karok, Tolowa-Hupa- 
Chilula and Yurok-Wiyot appeared in the area? How and why did adaptive 
strategies and demographic patterns change throughout the prehistoric 
sequence on the north coast? What sorts of forces shaped diverse peoples 
and cultures into the distinctive Northwest California Culture Area of the 
ethnographic horizon? How did the evolving social, economic and political 
patterns interact and how did these, in turn, relate to subsistence efforts 
and food surplus; that is, is it possible to archeologically trace the 
development and origins of the complex socio-economic network described by 
Gould (1966b)? How did coastal lifeways differ from those of the interior 
when practiced by the same society? 

Many other similar questions could be formulated, even with the lim- 
ited information available at present. The extent to which answers may be 
provided will depend to a great extent upon the thoroughness and sophisti- 
cation of the archeological management and research program designed for 
Redwood National Park. Such a far-reaching program cannot be devised until 
park development proposals are clarified and until the Indian people are 
willing to permit significant excavations. Meanwhile, the complete preser- 
vation of every archeological site known in the pari; constitutes the only 
justifiable course of action. 



Bancroft, H. H. 

1883 The native races of the Pacific states . San Francisco. 

1890 History of California: 1860-1890. In The works of 
Hubert Howe Bancroft, Vol. 24, The History Co., San 

Baumhoff, M. A. 

1963 Ecological determinants of aboriginal California popu- 
lations. University of California Publica tions in American 
Archaeology and Ethnology 49: 155-235. 

Beals, R. L. and J. A. Hester 

1960 A new ecological typology of the California Indians. 

Acts of th e International Congress of Anthropological 

and Ethnological Sciences 5; 411-419. 

Bearss, E. C. 

1969 History basic data, Redwood National Park. U.S. National 
Park Service, Washington. 

Becking, R. W. 

1973 Letter to director, Cultural Resources, of Parks and 
Recreation, Sacramento. Dated June 20, 1973. 

Bennyhoff, J. A. 

1950 California fish spears and harpoons. University of 
California Anthropological Records 9 (4). 

Berreman, J, V. 

1937 Tribal distributions in Oregon. American Anthropological 
Association Memoir, No. 47. 

1944 Chetco archaeology. General Studies in Archaeology , No. 

Bledsoe, A. J. 

1881 History of Del Norte County, California . Wendy's Books, 
Crescent City. 

1885 Indian wars of the Northwest: A California sketch . 
Biobooks, Oakland. 

Bloomfield, L. 

1946 Algonquian. In Linguistic structures of Native America. 
Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology , No. 6: 85-129. 

Bright, W. 

1957 The Karok language. University of California Publications 
in Linguistics 13. 

Buchanan, R. C. 

1857 Number, characteristics, etc., of the Indians of California, 


Oregon, and Washington. H. R. Ex. Documents , No. 76 
(Serial No. 906), 34th Congress, 3rd Session. 

Buckley, J. and E. Willis 

1970 Point Saint George I, California. Radiocarbon 12 (1). 

California State Senate 

1955 Progress report to the legislature by the Senate Interim 
Committee on California Indian Affairs. Senate Resolu- 
tion, No . 115. 

Caughey, J. W. 

1961 California. Prentice-Nail, Englewood Cliffs. 

Chartkoff, J. L. and K. K. Chartkoff 

1973 Test excavations at the May site, Seiad Valley, Siskiyou 
County, California. Unpublished manuscript. On file at 
Michigan State University, East Lansing. 

Chase, D. 

1959 They pushed back the forest . Del Norte County Historical 
Society, Crescent City. 

Cole, D. L. 

1965a Archaeological survey of the Buzzards Roost Dam Reservoir. 
Unpublished manuscript. On file at Natural History Museum, 
University of Oregon, Eugene. 

1965b Report on investigations of archaeological sites in the 
reservoir areas of: Sucker Creek Dam, Applegate Dam, 
Lost Creek Dam, and Collier State Park. Unpublished 
manuscript. On file at Natural History Museum, Univer- 
sity of Oregon, Eugene. 

Cook, S. F. 

1955 The epidemic of 1830-1833 in California and Oregon. 
University of California Publications in American 
Archaeology and Ethnology 43: 303-326. 

1956 The aboriginal population of the north coast of California. 
University of California Anthropological Records 16: 

Coy, 0. C. 

1929 The Humboldt Bay region, 1850-1875 . California State 
Historical Association, Los Angeles. 

Cressman, L. S. 

1933a Aboriginal burials in southwestern Oregon. American 
Anthropologist 35. 

1933b Contributions to the archaeology of Oregon: Final report 
on the Gold Hill Burial site. University of Oregon 
Studies in Anthropology 1 (1). 

1951 Western prehistory in the light of carbon-14 dating. 
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 7 (3): 289-514. 


Curtis, E, 

Davis, W. 

Dixon, R. 


The North American Indian (Vol. 13) , Published by E, S. 
Curtis and E. P. Morgan, Norwood. 

Archaeology of the Lost Creek Dam Reservoir. Unpublished 
manuscript. On file at Department of Anthropology, Oregon 
State University, Corvalis. 

The Chimariko Indians and language. University of Cali - 
fornia Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 
S: 293-380. 

Dixon, R. and A. L. Kroeber 

1913 New linguistic families in California, 
pologist 13: 647-655. 

American Anthro- 

1919 Linguistic families in California. University of California 
Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 16: 

Dotta, J. D. 

1967 The Gunther Barbed projectile point: A description and 
evaluation. San Francisco State University. 

Driver, H. E. 

1939 Culture element distributions: X, Northwest California. 
University of California Anthropological Records 1 ; 

The Tolowa and their southwest Oregon kin. University 
of California Publications in American Archaeology and 
Ethnology "36": 221-300. 

Culture element distributions: XXVI, Northwest Coast. 
University of California Anthropological Records 9 (3) . 

Cultures of the north Pacific coast. Chandler Publishing 
Co., San Francisco. 

The wealth concept as an integrative factor in Tolowa- 
Tututni culture. in Essays in Anthropology Presented 
to A. L. Kroebei , edited by R. II. Lowie. University 
of California Press, Berkeley. 

The archaeology of the north coast of California. 
Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Department of Anthro- 
pology, University of California, Berkeley. 

Elsasser, A. B. and R. F. Ileizer 

1966 Excavation of two northwestern California coastal sites. 

Drucker, P. 



Dubois, C. 

Elsasser, A. 


University of California Archaeological Survey Reports , 
No. 67, Part 1. 

Evermann, B. W. and H. W, Clark 

1931 A distributional list of freshwater fishes known to occur 
in California. Bulletin of the California Fish a nd Game 
Commission 35. 

Fredrickson, D. A. 

1973 Early cultures of the North Coast Ranges. Unpublished 
Ph.D. dissertation. Department of Anthropology, Uni- 
versity of California, Davis. 

Fry, W. S. 

Gibbs, G. 

Humboldt Indians. Out West 21: 503-514. 

Journal of the expedition of Col. Redick M'Kee. . .through 
Northwestern California. . .in 1851. In Indian Tribes 3: 

1973 Observations on the Indians of the Klamath River and 

Humboldt Bay, accompanying vocabularies of the Languages , 
edited by R. Heizer. University of California Archaeolo- 
gical Research Facility, Berkeley. 

Gifford, E, 



Californian bone artifacts. University of California 

Anthropological Records 13 (2). 

Californian shell artifacts. University of California 
Anthropological Records 9 (1). 

Goddard, P. E. 

1903a Life and culture of the Hupa, 

University of California 

Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 1 ; 

1903b Unpublished field notes (11 vol.) collected at Smith 

River, California, 1902-1903. On file with the American 
Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. 

1904 Hupa texts. University of California Publications in 
American Archaeology and Ethnology 1; 89-368. 

1911 Athabascan. In Handbook of American Indian languages. 
Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 40 (1): 85-158. 

1915 Wayside shrines in northwestern California. American 
Anthropologist 15: 702-703. 

1914a Chilula texts. University of California Publications in 
American Archaeology and Ethnology 10: 289-579. 

1914b Notes on the Chilula Indians of northwestern California. 
University of California Publications in American Archae - 
ology and Ethnology 10: 265-288. 


Goddard, P.E. 

1924 Indians of the northwest coast. American Museum of Natural 
History Publications , No . 10. 

Gould, R. A. 

1963 Aboriginal California burial and cremation practices. 
University of California Archaeological Survey Reports, 
No. 60: 149-168. 

1966a Archaeology of the Point Saint George site and Tolowa 
prehistory. University of California Publications in 
Anthropology 4. 

1972 A radiocarbon date from the Point Saint George site, 

northwestern California. Contributions of the University 
of California Archaeological Research Facility , 14 : 

Graves, C. S. 

1929 Lore and legends of the Klamath River Indians. Yreka 
(California) Times Press . 

Gudschinsky, S. 

1964 The ABCs of lexicostatistics (glottochronology) . In 
Language in culture and society , edited by D. Hymes. 
Harper and Row, New York. 

Haas, M. 

1958 Algonkian-Ritwan: The end of a controversy. International 
Journal of American Linguistics 24: 159-173. 

Heizer, R. F. 

1949 Curved single-piece fishhooks of shell and bone in Cali- 
fornia. American Antiquity 15:89-97. 

1951a A prehistoric Yurok ceremonial site (Hum- 174). University 
of California Archaeological Survey Reports , 1 1 : 

1951b The Indians of California: A syllabus (with additional 
mimeographed course outline). University of California 
Press, Berkeley. 

1964 The western coast of North America. In Prehistoric Man 
in the New World , edited by J. Jennings and E. Norbeck. 
Aldine, Chicago. 

1972 George Gibb's journal of Redick McKee's expedition through 
northwestern California in 1851 . University of California 
Archaeological Research Facility, Berkeley. 

n.d.a Field notes from Patricks Point. University of California 
Archaeological Survey Manuscripts , Berkeley. 

n.d.b The archaeology of northwestern California. University 

of California Archaeological Survey Manuscripts, Berkeley. 


Heizer, R. F. and A. B. Elsasser 

1952 The four ages of Tsurai: A documentary history of the 

Indian village on Trinidad Bay . University of California 
Press, Berkeley. 

1964 Archaeology of Hum-67, the Gun t her Island site in Humboldt 
Bay, California. University of California Archaeological 
Survey Reports , No. 62: 1-122. 

n.d. The archaeology of northwestern California. University of 
California Archaeological Survey Manuscripts , Berkeley. 

Heizer, R. F. and A. E. Treganza 

1944 Mines and quarries of the Indians of California. California 
Journal of Mines and Geology 40 (3): 291-359. 

Heizer, R. F. and M. A. Whipple (Eds.) 

1951 The California Indians; A source book . University of 
California Press, Berkeley. 

1971 The California Indians: A source book (Second, revised 
and enlarged edition). University of California Press, 

Helfin, E. 

1966 The Pistol River site of southwest Oregon. University of 
California Archaeological Survey Reports, No. 67, Part 2. 

Henn, W. G. 

1972 Notes on environment, prehistory, and ethnography of 
southwest Oregon. Unpublished manuscript. On file at 
Department of Anthropology, University of Oregon, Eugene. 

Henrickson, 0. 

1967 Archaeological survey of the pipeline distribution system, 
Applegate Division of Rogue River Basin Project, Bureau 
of Reclamation. Unpublished manuscript. On file at 
Natural History Museum, University of Oregon, Eugene. 

Hewes, G. W. 

1942 Economic and geographic relations of aboriginal fishing 
in northern California. California Fish and Game 28 (2) : 

1947 Aboriginal use of fishing resources in northwestern North 
America. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. University of 
California, Berkeley. 

Hittell, T. H. 

1835 History of California . San Francisco. 

Hodge, F. W. 

1910 Handbook of American Indians north of Mexico. Bureau 
of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30. 

Hoijer, II. 

1956 The chronology of the Athabascan languages. International 


Journal of American Linguistics 22: 219-232. 

Hood, J. D. 

1965 Letter to 0. Jones regarding archaeological sites on 
California's northwest coast. On file with the State 
Department of Parks and Recreation, Sacramento. 

Hopkins, N. 

1965 Great Basin prehistory and Uto-Aztecan. American Anti- 
quity 31 (1): 48-60. 

Hostler, P. 

1967 History of the Hoopa tribe . Hoopa Valley Tribe. 

Hulse, F. S. 

1960 Ripples on a gene pool: The shifting frequencies of the 
blood-type alleles among the Indians of the Hupa Reserva- 
tion. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 18 (2): 

Hymes, D. H. 

1957 A note on Athabascan glottochronology. International 
Journal of American Linguistics 23: 291-297. 

Jackson, T. L. 

1972 X-ray fluorescence analysis of obsidian fron 4-DNo-14. 
In Archeological investigations in the Redwood National 
Park region, California , by U. J. Moratto. National 
Park Service, Tucson. 

Johnson, L. , Jr. 

1969 Obsidian hydration rate for the Klamath Basin of California 
and Oregon. Science 165: 1354-1355. 

King, T. F. 

1972 An assessment of the potential impact of proposed improve - 
ments to U.S. Highway 199 on historic and pr ehistoric 
resources . California Division of Highways, Eureka and 

n.d. Interaction and innovation: A research design for archeo- 
logy in the North Coast Ranges. Manuscript in preparation. 

Klimek, S. 

1935 Culture element distributions: The structure of California 
Indian culture. University of California Publications in 
American Archaeology and Ethnology 37: 12-70. 

Kroeber, A. L. 

1905 Basket designs of the Indians of northwestern California. 
University of California Publications in American Archae - 
ology and Ethnology 2: 104-164. 

1908 Wiyot folklore. Journal of American Folklore 21: 37-39. 

1911 The languages of the coast of California north of San 


Francisco. University of California Publications in 
American Archaeology and Ethnology 9: 273-435. 

1925 Handbook of the Indians of California. Bureau of American 
Ethnology, Bulletin 78. 

1935 Preface to The structure of California Indian culture, 
by S. Klimek. University of California Publications in 
American Archaeology and Ethnology 37: 1-11. 

1939 Cultural and natural areas of native North America. 

University of California Publications in American Archaeo - 
logy and Ethnology 38. 

Kroeber, A. L. and S. A. Barrett 

1960 Fishing among the Indians of northwestern California. 

University of California Anthropological Records , 21 ( 1 ) . 

Kroeber, A. L. and E. W. Gifford 

1949 World renewal, a cult system of native northwest California, 
University of California Anthropological Records 13: 1-156, 

Kroeber, T. and R. F. Heizer 

1968 Almost ancestors . Sierra Club - Ballentine Books, San 
Francisco . 

Loud, L. L. 

1918 Ethnography and archaeology of the Wiyot territory. 

University of California Publications in American Archaeo - 
logy and Ethnology 14 (3): 221-437. 

Mac Lean, J. J. 

1884 Remarks on shellmounds near Camp Mendocino, Humboldt 

County. In Prehistoric fishing , by C. Ran. Smithsonian 
Institution, Washington. 

Mason, 0. T. 

1889 The Ray Collection from Hupa Reservation. Smithsonian 
Institution Annual Report, Year 1886 . 

1904 Aboriginal American basketry. Smithsonian Institution 
Annual Report, Year 1902 . 

Meredith, H. C. 

1900 Archaeology of California: Central and northern California, 
In Prehistoric implements , by W. K. Moorehead. Cincinnati. 

Merriam, C. H. 

1910- Unpublished Tolowa field notes and vocabulary, collected 
1938 at Smith River and Crescent City, California, 1910-1938. 

University of California Archaeological Research Facility, 

Berkeley. Manuscript. 

Meyer, C. 

1951 The Yurok of Trinidad Bay. In The California Indians: 


A source book , edited by R. F. Heizer and M. A. Whipple. 
University of California Press, Berkeley. 

Michelson, T. 

1914 Two alleged Algonquian languages of California. American 
Anthropologist 16: 361-367. 

Mills, J. E. 

1950 Recent developments in the study of northwest California 
archaeology. University of California Archaeological 
Survey Reports , 7: 21-25. 

Moorehead, W. K. 

1900 Prehistoric implements . Cincinnati. 

Moratto, M. J. 

1960 Notes concerning excavations at 4-DNo-ll, 1956-1960. 

Unpublished manuscript. On file at Department of Anthro- 
pology, San Francisco State University. 

1970 Tsahpek w : An archaeological record of nineteenth century 
acculturation among the Yurok. R. E. Schenk Archives 
of California Archaeology , No. 7. 

1971a An archaeological survey of selected areas within Redwood 
National Park, California. U.S. National Park Service, 

1971b Archaeology and cross-cultural ethics in coastal northwest 

California. R.E. Schenk Archives of California Archaeology , 
No. 28 

1972 Archaeological investigations in the Redwood National Park 
Region, California . U.S. National Park Service, Tucson. 

Nomland, G. A. and A. L. Kroeber 

1936 Wiyot towns. University o f California Publications in 
American Archaeology and Ethnology 35: 39-48. 

O'Neale, L. H. 

1932 Yurok-Karok basket weavers. University of California 
Publ ications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 32: 

Ostrovsky, R. 

1966 Preliminary survey, Sequoia Dam Project. Unpublished 
manuscript. Department of Anthropology, California 
State University, San Francisco. 

Ostrovsky, R. and R. E. Schenk 

1966 An archaeological survey of the proposed Butler Valley 
Reservoir, Humboldt County, California. Department of 
Anthropology, San Francisco State University. 

Palais, II. 

1958 History. In Natural resources of northweste rn California . 


National Park Service, Pacific Southwest Field Committee. 

Pope, S. T. 

1962 Bows and arrows, University of California Press, Berkeley. 

Ray, P. H. 

1886 Manufacture of bows and arrows among the Natano (Hupa) 
and Kenuck (Klamath) Indians. American Naturalist 20: 

Reichard, G. A. 

1926 Wiyot: An Indian language of northern California. 
American Speech 1: 654-658. 

Ritter, E. 

1969 Unpublished notes concerning archaeological sites in the 
state parks of northwest California. On file with the 
State Department of Parks and Recreation, Sacramento. 

Robins, R. H. 

1958 The Yurok language: Grammer, texts, lexicon. University 
of California Publications in Linguistics 15. 

Rogers, F. B. 

1947 Early military posts of Del Norte County. California 
Historical Society Quarterly 26: 1-11. 

Rostlund, E. 

1952 Freshwater fish and fishing in native north America. 
Uni versity of California Publications in Geography 9. 

Sapir, E. 

1907 Notes on the Takelma Indians of southwestern Oregon. 
American Anthropologist 9: 251-275. 

1913 Wiyot and Yurok, Algonkin languages of California. 
American Anthropologist 15: 617-646. 

Schulmeyer, A. IV. 

1963 Northern California Indian relations: 1850 to 1860. 
Unpublished Masters thesis. San Francisco State 


Schumacher, P. 

1951 Stone flaking of the Klamath River Yurok. In Th e California 
Indians: A source book , edited by R. F. Heizer and M. A. 
Whipple. University of California Press, Berkeley. 

Schumacher, P. J. F. 

1961 Unpublished notes concerning archaeological sites in 
northwest California. On file with the U.S. National 
Park Service, Tucson. 

Scouler, J. 

1841 Observations on the indigenous tribes of the Northwest 
Coast of America. Journal of the Royal Geographical 
Society 11: 215-249^ 


Spott, R. and A. L. Kroeber 

1951 Yurok shamanism. In The California Indians: A source 
book, edited by R. F. Heizer and M. A. Whipple. University 
of California Press, Berkeley. 

Squier, R. J, and G. L. Grosscup 

n.d. Preliminary report of archaeological excavations in lower 

Klamath Basin, California: 1954. University of California 
Archaeological Survey Manuscripts , No. 183. 

Suttles, W. 

1968 Coping with abundance: Subsistence on the Northwest Coast. 
In Man the hunter , edited by R. B. Lee and I. DeVore. 
Aldine, Chicago. 

Swadesh, M. 

1954 Time depth of American linguistic groupings. American 
Anthropologist 56 (3): 361-377. 

1959 Linguistics as an instrument of prehistory. Southwestern 
Journal of Anthropology 25 (1): 71-81. 

Taylor, W, W. 

1961 Archaeology and language in western North America. 
American Antiquity 25 (1): 71-81. 

Teeter, K. V. 

1964 The Wiyot language. University of California Publications 
in Linguistics 37. 

Thompson, L. 

1916 To The American Indian . Eureka. 

Treganza, A, E. 

1958a An evaluation of the pre-Caucasian human resources of 

northwestern California. In Natural resources of north - 
western California: History and archaeology supplement . 
U.S. National Park Service, San Francisco. 

1958b Salvage archaeology in the Trinity Reservoir area, northern 
California. University of California Archaeological 
Survey Reports , No. 43, Part 1. 

Voegelin, C. P. 

1945 Relative chronology of North American linguistic types. 
American Anthropologist 47 (2): 232-234. 

Voegelin, C. F. and F. M. Voegelin 

1966 Map of North American Indian languages . American Ethno- 
logical Society and Rand-McNally $ Co., Chicago. 

Wallace, W. J. 

1949 Hoopa warfare. Southwest Museum Leaflets , No. 23. 

Wallace, W. and E. Taylor 

1952 Excavation of Sis-13, a rock shelter in Siskiyou County, 


California. University of California Archaeological Survey 
Reports , No . 15. 

War bur ton, A. D. and J. F. Endert 

1966 Indian lore of the north California coast . Pacific Pueblo 
Press, Santa Clara. 

Waterman, T. T. 

1920 Yurok geography. University of California Publications 
in American Archaeology and Ethnology 16 (5). 

1925 Village sites in Tolowa and neighboring areas. American 
Anthropologist 27: 528-543. 

1951 All is trouble along the Klamath: A Yurok idyll. In 

The California Indians: A source book , edited by R. F. 
Heizer and M. A. Whipple. University of California 
Press, Berkeley. 

Waterman, T. T. and A. L. Kroeber 

1938 The Kepel Fish Dam. University of California Publica - 
tions in American Archaeology and Ethnology 35: 49-80. 

Woodruff, C. E. 

1892 Dances of the Ilupa Indians. American Anthropologist 5: 

Woodward, A. 

1927 Some Tolowa specimens. Indian Notes . Museum of the 
American Indian, Heye Foundation 4: 137-150. 


Clemson University 

604 013 957 941 


DEMCO. INC. 38-2931